By Rianna McGarry

Year 3

Social Policy and Sociology Undergraduate Student

Introduction

The COVID-19 pandemic, caused by the severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2), is a global crisis that originated in China, in 2019 and has then spread rapidly throughout the world (Worobey et al., 2022). The pandemic has brought unprecedented challenges and significant disruptions to daily life on societies and governments, after claiming the lives of almost six million people worldwide (WHO, 2022). Data gathered by the Office for National Statistics (2020) shows that the United Kingdom, primarily England and Wales amounted to 428,306 COVID-19 deaths, marking a staggering 20% increase compared to the average for the same period over the previous five years (ONS, 2020). This substantial rise in overall deaths highlights an extraordinary deviation from expected mortality rates, reflecting the profound effect of the pandemic on mortality patterns in the UK (GOV.UK, 2020).

While variations in reporting methods among regions and limitations in testing availability may have affected the accuracy of COVID-19 fatality figures (Gregory, 2020), it is essential to recognize that being a certain age when the pandemic hit significantly influenced one’s experience (Mueller, McNamara, and Sinclair, 2020). The disparities in vulnerability to severe illness, access to healthcare, and the social implications of the pandemic underscore the importance of understanding how different age groups navigated and were affected by this unprecedented crisis (Worobey et al., 2022).

The pandemic exposed the deep-seated inequalities and vulnerabilities that exist in our societies, including ageism. According to Butler, ‘Ageism is the discrimination or prejudice against individuals based on their age’ (Butler, 1969). In particular, the UK government’s response to the pandemic has been criticised for being ‘ageist’ for not adequately addressing the social care needs of older people. Throughout this essay, I will explore how the COVID-19 pandemic has been an example of ageism on a societal level, with a particular focus to the UK’s government response to the pandemic between 2020 and 2021. Through an analysis of policies and actions that disproportionately affected older adults, this essay aims to shed light on the impact of ageism during the pandemic and the need to address ageism in our societies.

Ageism

While the definitions surrounding ageism have changed over time (Thane, 2005), Robert Butler first coined the term as “prejudice by one age group against another age group” (Butler, 1969, p.243). Ageism can take many different forms, including stereotypes, negative attitudes, and discriminatory practises (Carney and Nash, 2020).

Ayalon and Tesch-Römer (2018) expanded on three theories to explain the occurrence of ageism over the past few decades. The macro-level, which relates to cultural or societal values, for example, political regulations. The meso-level, which is concerned with groups, organisations, and other social entities, (Ayalon and Tesch-Römer, 2018). Lastly, the micro-level, which is concerned with the individual’s thoughts, emotions, and actions (Lobczowska, K. et al., 2022).

It is important to understand that ageism can occasionally result in the social marginalisation, loneliness, and abuse of elderly people (WHO, 2022). Ageism can also be imperceptible and deeply rooted in societal norms and cultural practises, making it hard to identify. However, it is not confined to the context of elderly people; it also affects younger individuals, notably adolescents who have long been associated with anti-social or selfish behaviour (Hummert et al., 1994), a stereotype that became apparent during the pandemic.

COVID-19 Pandemic and the UK Governments Response

According to the Health Secretary’s address to the legislature on March 16, 2020, a nationwide lockdown was declared to halt the spread of the virus, which took place on the 23^rd of March 2020 (Scott, 2021). The UK government decided that the closures of non-essential businesses, schools, bars and enforcing individuals to stay at home, to prevent the spread of the virus was the best policy (GOV.UK, 2020). This was the first initial widespread measure the UK government provided regarding the COVID-19 pandemic (Scott, 2021). In order to comprehend how the epidemic affects elderly people, social policies are crucial. Elderly individuals have been particularly hard-hit by the COVID-19 epidemic, which has spread around the world (WHO, 2022). Older individuals may have difficulties as a result of social measures implemented in response to the crisis (Mueller, McNamara, and Sinclair, 2020).

It was strongly advised by the government that older individuals should take ‘extra precaution’ to protect themselves as they were classified as being a ‘higher risk’ (WHO, 2022). Research findings early in the pandemic indicate that individuals aged sixty-five years and older have an increased risk of contracting COVID-19 and dying as a result (Mueller, McNamara, and Sinclair, 2020). According to Mueller (2020), figures show that seventy four percent of COVID related deaths are within this sixty-five plus age group. This is a result of biological variables such as immunosenescence, which is the term for age-related immune system changes that can decrease an immune response and reduce an individual’s capacity to fight against infections (Bartleson, J.M. et al., 2021). Due to older individual’s weakened immune systems, older people are considered to be more subsequent to viral infections like COVID-19 (Santesmasses et al., 2020).

Categorising Older Adults as a High-Risk Group

The effects of COVID-19 on individuals differ based on gender (Mukherjee, S., and Pahan, K., 2021). Whilst the virus can infect both men and women, statistics reveal that there was a significant difference of eighteen percent in the total number of COVID-19 related fatalities in England and Wales between March 2020 and January 2021 (ONS, 2021). Research shows a total number of 63,700 deaths of men in comparison to woman, resulting in a total number of 53,300 deaths (ONS, 2021). One of the reasons for this can be due to the fact that men and women have different immune responses to infections with women typically having stronger immune responses than men (Ciarambino et al., 2021). Females often have a greater immune response, which may account for why they are less prone to contracting COVID-19 and experience better results after infection (Bwire, 2020). The impact of sex hormones, particularly oestrogen, which boosts the immunological response in females, is one potential explanation (Ciarambino et al., 2021). Additionally, females frequently mount a stronger T-cell response, which is crucial in combating viral infections (Giefing-Kröll, et al., 2015).

Understanding the pertinent differences in immune responses between men and women is essential in comprehending the impact of COVID-19. For example, males often have a greater innate immune response, which in severe COVID-19 instances can result in cytokine storm (Montazersaheb et al., 2022). A cytokine storm is the process whereby the immune system generates an upsurge of pro-inflammatory cytokines, such as interleukin-6 (IL-6), tumour necrosis factor-alpha (TNF-α), and others (Coperchini et al., 2020). This intense and life-threatening inflammatory response can lead to widespread tissue damage, respiratory distress, and organ failure (Silva et al., 2022). Despite the fact that elderly people often have weakened immune systems, which makes them more vulnerable to COVID-19 and severe illness, the gendered difference in immunological response maintains throughout age groups, with females still having a greater immune response than men, even in old age (Ciarambino et al., 2021).

Impacts of Lockdown Measures on Older Adults

The implementation of strict lockdown measures and the categorisation of all older individuals during the pandemic initially aimed to protect a vulnerable demographic based on early medical evidence. However, this strategy failed to consider the diversity in their life circumstances, aspirations, and ways of living (Isasi et al., 2021). Whilst acknowledging the higher risks associated with COVID-19 for older individuals, the blanket grouping of all older individuals perpetuated a uniform perception that undermines individuality. This not only fosters age discrimination but also strains intergenerational relationships, as discussed by Carney and Nash (2020). The labelling of all older individuals as ‘weak, frail, and helpless’ as pointed out by Seifert (2021), further solidifies the perception of them being a ‘social burden,’ fostering age discrimination.

The impression that older individuals are more vulnerable to the Virus was reinforced by the stigmatisation of all elderly people as being more ‘vulnerable and helpless’ during the COVID-19 epidemic (Seifert, 2021). This resulted in more age discrimination, which is a problem that has significantly gotten worse since the epidemic started back in 2019 (WHO, 2022). Furthermore, such a limited viewpoint can cause older adults to feel isolated and lonely, as a result of the socially restrictive measures implemented to stop the virus’s spread (Carney and Nash, 2020). Considering the current global tensions of the pandemic, this concept of ageism worries those who work in the subject of ageing (Donizzetti, 2019).

Additionally, the risk of COVID-19-related illness and mortality may also be increased in older individuals due to other underlying medical disorders such cardiovascular disease, diabetes, and respiratory ailments (Sanyaolu, A. et al., 2020). These findings demonstrate the significant impact of age on the risk of severe illness and death from COVID-19. Whilst the UK governments measures were put in place to safeguard this vulnerable population as a whole, doing so diminished the opportunities for older people to interact with others and participate in society (Singh and Misra, 2009). The majority of the elderly population felt lonely and shut off from the world when they were abruptly told they could not visit relatives and friends (Kadriye and Karaman, 2021).

Neglect of Care Home Residents during the Pandemic

The epidemic has disproportionately affected the older population, notably those who reside in eldercare facilities, because of this, the UK government’s response to the residents in care homes has come under fire for failing to provide enough protection for this vulnerable group (Anand et al., 2021). The claims made by the former Health Secretary; Matt Hancock ensured that there was a ‘protective ring of steel’ around care homes (Sky News, 2022). However, this was deemed a lie during the covid inquiry as the government failed to protect thousands of elderly residents during March and April of 2020 (Rigby, 2022).

In accordance with the UK’s government response to the COVID-19 crisis, ageism has come to light as a major problem, particularly in the context of care homes (Daly, 2021). Research provided by the Office for National Statistics (2020), show that between March and June 2020, there was a total of 66,112 deaths of care home residents in England and Wales, of which 29% are officially attributed to COVID‐19. The safety of the elderly was not given the top priority in the government’s first recommendations (Rigby, 2022). Instead, the government focused on safeguarding the National Health Service (NHS), lessening the pressure on hospitals, rather than prioritising the residents in care homes. As a result, 25,000 elderly patients were transferred from hospitals to care facilities without being tested, placing them, other residents, and staff at greater risk of the virus, between March 17^th and April 15^th, 2020 (UK, Parliament, 2020).

Due to the UK’s slow response in providing personal protective equipment (PPE) and COVID19 testing to health care sectors during the first wave of the pandemic, many frontline social care workers had to care for people with COVID or suspected COVID without adequate protection (WHO, 2020). This emphasises the lack of adequate protection for the elderly in care homes, as well as the neglect of care home workers who were left unprotected during a period of intense need (Public Accounts Committee Report, July 2020). The government failed to respond quickly enough to supply the essential equipment, despite the concerns from social care staff about the absence of PPE.

Many carers and patients had to improvise in order to protect themselves by reusing masks and garbage bags as protective measures (Blackall, 2020). Results demonstrate that between the 9^th of March and the 22^nd of June 2020 of the pandemic, mortality in eldercare facilities increased by 79% in England, 62% in Scotland, and 66% in Wales as compared to the previous year, due to the rapid spread of the COVID19 virus (Bell et al., 2020). In comparison to other European nations, the UK had the second-highest percentage of care home deaths (Comas-Herrera, Zalakaín, et al., 2020). The government’s disregard for care home staff, highlights the institutionalised ageism in its response to the pandemic, showing a lack of concern for the welfare of elderly residents and those who care for them (Public Accounts Committee Report, July 2020).

As lockdown measures eased, care homes in the UK still had to adhere to tougher rules on communal mingling than other public facilities (Tapper, 2022). Additionally, it has been criticised as being unfair and overly restrictive for care home residents to be required to isolate for fourteen days following outings, such as hospital appointments (Tapper, 2022). Care homes have been accused of imposing overly restrictive measures on residents, such as complete isolation and lack of social contact with family and friends (BBC, 2020).

Whilst this can be seen as a protective measure taken towards the residents, it can be more notably regarded as an example of ageism, as it assumes that older adults in care homes are not capable of making decisions about their own lives and wellbeing (Blackall, 2020). The lack of social contact and communal activities can have a severe impact on their mental health and quality of life, further exacerbating the existing health inequalities and vulnerabilities faced by older adults in care homes (Daly, 2020).

Spread of Misinformation and Ageism on Social Media

Social media played a crucial role in maintaining connections and distributing information during the COVID-19 pandemic (Abbas, et al., 2021). However, the spread of false information on social media and other digital platforms posed a greater risk to public health than the virus itself (Bin Naeem and Kamel Boulos, 2021). The leaked COVID-19 messages sent by the former UK Health Secretary, is an example of how false information can spread rapidly through digital platforms (GOV.UK, 2020). The messages included false and misleading information regarding the pandemic, such as the claim that PPE shortages were resolved, and that the government had a ‘protective ring’ around care homes (Sky News, 2022). This weakened public confidence and detracted from efforts to stop the spread of the pandemic, hindering the global response (Filip, 2022).

Furthermore, the pandemic was perpetuated by ageist language and attitudes on social media, with the insinuation that the spread of the virus was primarily a fault with elderly individuals, and thus becoming a source of amusement, highlighting apathetic attitudes in other age groups towards older individuals’ (Skipper and Rose, 2022). The COVID-19 virus has been described as a disease that ‘only affects older people’ (Fraser et al., 2020). Ageism and intergenerational disputes rose on social media during the pandemic, according to Meisner’s (2020) research study. Elderly people were commonly portrayed as being a burden to society and as being responsible for the epidemic’s spread (Soto-Perez-de-Celis, 2020). Due to these negative stereotypes and misconceptions of the elderly generation, older people experienced ageism and was therefore shut out of social circles (Kadriye and Karaman, 2021).

The COVID-19 pandemic triggered a profound and rapid shift towards online platforms, reshaping various facets of daily life, work, education, and social interactions (Stuart et al., 2022). This transformation was necessitated by the imperative to adapt to social distancing measures and lockdowns imposed to curb the virus’s spread (GOV.UK, 2020). Whilst acknowledging the existence of a digital divide, it is crucial to recognize the diversity within the older generation concerning digital literacy and technology adoption (Zapletal et al., 2023). Although research gathered by the Office For National Statistics (2020) show that some older individuals faced challenges due to “limited access or familiarity with modern technology’ (ONS, 2020), it is an oversimplification to assume that the majority of the older population has fallen behind (Kadriye and Karaman, 2020). This exacerbation of the digital divide not only perpetuates ageism but also reinforces negative stereotypes about the capabilities and worth of older adults, as underscored by Daly (2020).

An unprecedented worldwide economic crisis brought on by the COVID-19 epidemic has resulted in numerous job losses, company closures, and decreased economic activity (Naseer et al., 2023). Individuals and households have been significantly impacted by this economic crisis, especially those who were already in precarious financial situations, such as many elderly people. The pandemic’s impact on the job market has been particularly severe for older workers, who have experienced job losses or reduced working hours at higher rates than their younger counterparts (Pit et al., 2021). This is due to a combination of factors, including age discrimination, the physical toll of COVID-19, and the challenges of adapting to modern technologies and working practices (Crawford and Karjalainen, 2020). Additionally, the pandemic has affected the delivery of important social security benefits like pensions, which are a source of income for many retired adults (Pit et al., 2021). The closing of government buildings and other service providers during the pandemic, made it impossible for older individuals to get the assistance and support they required, which made their financial struggles worse (Wilkinson and Adams, 2021).

Conclusion

Based on the evidence presented, the COVID-19 pandemic has revealed the harsh reality of ageism in our societies, as evidenced by the disproportionate impact on older adults and the inadequate response of the UK government to address their needs (Joyce, 2021). Undoubtedly, poor policy decisions made by the UK government and incompetence within it contribute to this. The UK government demonstrated a slow response and an early abandonment of a preventative strategy, which is only one of the numerous mistakes made by Boris Johnson and the conservative party. In addition to the lack of preventative measures, the UK government’s response to the pandemic has been criticised for its lack of clarity and consistency, which has further exacerbated the situation (Calvert et al., 2020). The pandemic has brought to light the significance of developing appropriate policies to support older people as well as the need for a deeper understanding of the difficulties they encounter.

Overall, the COVID-19 pandemic has caused older individuals to face a number of difficulties, including social isolation, access to healthcare, and financial consequences. The data gathered in this essay suggests a prevailing presence of ageism and its trajectory in society. The government’s response to COVID-19 has played a pivotal role in either exacerbating ageist beliefs or challenging them. It has accentuated pre-existing ageist tendencies in society or, conversely, offered opportunities to challenge and dispel age-related stereotypes (Buffel et al., 2021). It is important for individuals, communities, and governments to work together to support older adults during these challenging times. As we move forward, it is essential to critically examine these dynamics and consider interventions that foster an inclusive society, where ageist beliefs are confronted, dismantled, and replaced by a more equitable and understanding approach to all age groups.

References

Abbas, J., (2021). The Role of social media in the Advent of COVID-19 Pandemic: Crisis Management, Mental Health Challenges, and Implications. Risk Management and Healthcare Policy, Volume 14, Pp.1917–1932.

Anand, J. C., et al (2021). The covid-19 pandemic and care homes for older people in Europe – deaths, damage, and violations of human rights. European Journal of Social Work, Pp.1–12.

Ayalon, L. and Tesch-Römer, C. (2018) ‘Introduction to the section: Ageism concept and origins’, International Perspectives on Aging, pp. 1–10.

Bartleson, J.M. et al. (2021) “SARS-COV-2 COVID-19 and the ageing immune system,” Nature Ageing, 1(9), pp. 769–782.

BBC News, (2020). Coronavirus: What guidance did care homes get from the government? BBC News. [Internet] Available at: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/52674073 (Accessed:17th March 2023).

Bell, D, Comas-Herrera, A, Henderson, D, et al. (2020). “COVID-19 mortality and long-term care: a UK comparison”. International Long Term Care Policy Network. 43(1-2), pp. 56–61.

Bin Naeem, S., and Kamel Boulos, M. N. (2021). COVID-19 Misinformation Online and Health Literacy: A Brief Overview. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(15), Pp. 1-12.

Blackall, M. (2020). PPE including gowns and masks running out, admits UK government. The Guardian. [Internet]. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/apr/18/nhs-frontline-staff-may-refuse-to-work-over-lack-of-coronavirus-ppe-says-union-unison (Accessed 2nd April 2023).

Bongaarts, J. (2009) “Human population growth and the Demographic Transition,” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences, 364(1532), pp. 2985–2990.

Buffel, T, et al., (2021). Locked down by inequality: Older people and the COVID-19 pandemic. Urban Studies, 60 (8), Pp.1465-1482.

Butler, R. N. (1969). Ageism: Another form of bigotry. The Gerontologist, 9(4), Pp. 243–246.

Bwire, G. M. (2020). Coronavirus: Why Men are More Vulnerable to Covid-19 Than Women? SN Comprehensive Clinical Medicine, 2(7), Pp. 874–876. 

Calvert J, Arbuthnott G, and Leake J (2020).  Coronavirus: 38 days when Britain sleepwalked into disaster. [Internet] Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/edition/news/coronavirus-38-days-when-britain-sleepwalked-into-disaster-hq3b9tlgh (Accessed 25th March 2023).

Carney, G. M. and Nash, P. (2020). Critical Questions for Ageing Societies, Bristol: Policy Press.

Ciarambino, T., Para, O., & Giordano, M. (2021). Immune system and COVID-19 by sex differences and age. Women’s Health, Vol 17. Pp. 1-6.

Comas-Herrera, A, Zalakaín, J, Lemmon, E, et al. (2020). Mortality associated with COVID-19 outbreaks in care homes: early international evidence. [Internet] Available at: https://ltccovid.org/2020/04/12/mortality-associated-with-covid-19-outbreaks-in-care-homes-early-international-evidence/ Accessed (13th April, 2023).

Coperchini, F, et al., (2020). The cytokine storm in COVID-19: An overview of the involvement of the chemokine/chemokine-receptor system. Cytokine & Growth Factor Reviews, 53, Pp.25–32.

Crawford, R and Karjalainen, H. (2020). Financial consequences of the coronavirus pandemic for older people. London: IFS. Available at: https://ifs.org.uk/publications/financial-consequences-coronavirus-pandemic-older-people (accessed: 23rd March, 2023).

Daly, M. (2020) ‘COVID ‐19 and Care Homes in England: What happened and why?’ Social Policy & Administration, 54(7), pp. 985–998.

Daly, M. et al. (2021) ‘Covid-19 and policies for care homes in the first wave of the pandemic in European welfare states: Too little, too late?’ Journal of European Social Policy, 32(1), pp. 48–59.

Donizzetti, A. R. (2019). Ageism in an Aging Society: The Role of Knowledge, Anxiety about Aging, and Stereotypes in Young People and Adults. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 16(8), 1329.

Filip, R., (2022). Global Challenges to Public Health Care Systems during the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Review of Pandemic Measures and Problems. Journal of Personalized Medicine, 12(8), Pp. 1-22.

Fraser, S., et, al. (2020). Ageism and COVID-19: what does our society’s response say about us? Age and Ageing, 49(5), Pp. 692–695.

Giefing-Kröll, C., et al. (2015). How sex and age affect immune responses, susceptibility to infections, and response to vaccination. Aging Cell, 14(3), Pp.309–321.

GOV.UK, (2020). Prime Minister’s statement on coronavirus (COVID-19): 23 March 2020. [Internet]. Available at: https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/pm-address-to-the-nation-on-coronavirus-23-march-2020 (Accessed 2nd April, 2023).

Gregory, M., (2020). The challenges of counting COVID deaths. Office for Statistics Regulation. [Internet]. Available at: https://osr.statisticsauthority.gov.uk/blog/the-challenges-of-counting-covid-deaths/ (Accessed 1^st April, 2023).

Hummert M. L., Garstka T. A., Shaner J. L., Strahm S. (1994). Stereotypes of the elderly held by young, middle-aged, and elderly adults. Journal of Gerontology, 49, Pp.240–249

Isasi, F., et al. (2021). Patients, Families, and Communities COVID-19 Impact Assessment: Lessons Learned and Compelling Needs. NAM Perspectives, 11. Pp.1-30.

Joyce, P. (2021). Public governance, agility, and pandemics: a case study of the UK response to COVID-19. International Review of Administrative Sciences, 87(3), Pp. 536–555.

Kadriye Sayin K., and Karaman, E. (2021) “Life in lockdown: Social isolation, loneliness and quality of life in the elderly during the COVID-19 pandemic: A scoping review,” Geriatric Nursing, 42(5), pp. 1222–1229.

Lobczowska, K. et al., (2022). Social, economic, political, and geographical context that counts: meta-review of implementation determinants for policies promoting healthy diet and physical activity. BMC Public Health, 22(1). Pp. 1-17.

Montazersaheb, S., (2022). COVID-19 infection: an overview on cytokine storm and related interventions. Virology Journal, 19(1). Pp. 1-15.

Mueller, A.L., McNamara, M.S. and Sinclair, D.A. (2020) ‘Why does covid-19 disproportionately affect older people?’ Ageing, 12(10), pp. 9959–9981.

Mukherjee, S., and Pahan, K. (2021). Is COVID-19 Gender-sensitive? Journal of Neuroimmune Pharmacology (16). Pp. 38–47.

Naseer, S., Khalid, S., Parveen, S., Abbass, K., Song, H., and Achim, M. V. (2023). COVID-19 outbreak: Impact on global economy. Frontiers in Public Health, 10. Pp.1-13.

ONS, (2020). Coronavirus (COVID-19): 2020 in charts. [Internet]. Available at: https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/healthandsocialcare/conditionsanddiseases/articles/coronaviruscovid192020incharts/2020-12-18 (Accessed 3rd April 2023).

ONS, (2020). “Coronavirus (COVID-19) and the different effects on men and women in the UK, March 2020 to February 2021”. Office for National Statistics. [Internet] Available at:https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/healthandsocialcare/conditionsanddiseases/articles/coronaviruscovid19andthedifferenteffectsonmenandwomenintheukmarch2020tofebruary2021/2021-03-10 (Accessed: April  2nd, 2023). 

ONS, (2020). “Deaths involving COVID‐19 in the care sector, England and Wales: deaths registered between week ending 20 March 2020 and week ending 21 January 2022”. [internet] Available at: https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/birthsdeathsandmarriages/deaths/articles/deathsinvolvingcovid19inthecaresectorenglandandwales/deathsregisteredbetweenweekending20march2020andweekending21january2022 (Accessed 1st April 2023).

Pit, S, et al., (2021). COVID-19 and the ageing workforce: global perspectives on needs and solutions across 15 countries. International Journal for Equity in Health, 20(1). Pp. 1-20.

Public Accounts Committee. (2020). “Readying the NHS and social care for the COVID-19 peak Fourteenth Report of Session 2019–21 Report,” Available at: www.parliament.uk. (Accessed: 20th April 2023).

Rigby, B. (2022) ‘Matt Hancock blames Public Health England for Care Home Covid failings in 2020, but that’s not what he told me’. Sky News. Available at: https://news.sky.com/story/matt-hancock-blames-public-health-england-for-care-home-covid-failings-in-2020-but-thats-not-what-he-told-me-12600140  (Accessed: March 30^th, 2023). 

Santesmasses, D, et al., (2020). COVID‐19 is an emergent disease of aging. Aging Cell, 19(10).

Scott, E. (2021). Lockdown 1.0 and the pandemic one year on: What do we know about the impacts? House of Lords Library. [internet] Available at: https://lordslibrary.parliament.uk/lockdown-1-0-and-the-pandemic-one-year-on-what-do-we-know-about-the-impacts/ (Accessed: March 29^th, 2023).

Seifert, A. (2021) “Older adults during the COVID-19 pandemic – forgotten and stigmatized?” International Social Work, 64(2), pp. 275–278.

Silva, M. J. A., et al. (2022). Innate immunity to SARS-CoV-2 infection: A review. Epidemiology and Infection, Pp.1–49. 

Singh, A., and Misra, N. (2009). Loneliness, depression, and sociability in old age. Industrial Psychiatry Journal, 18(1), Pp.51-55.

Skipper, A. D., and Rose, D. J. (2021). #BoomerRemover: COVID-19, ageism, and the intergenerational twitter response. Journal of Aging Studies, 57, Pp. 1-7.

Sky News, (2022). COVID-19: Matt Hancock ‘lied’ when he said care homes were protected in lockdown, victim’s daughter says. (2022, April 27). Sky News. [Internet] Available at: https://news.sky.com/story/covid-19-daughter-of-care-home-victim-says-government-claims-of-protective-ring-were-a-lie-12599939 (Accessed 28th March 2023).

Soto-Perez-de-Celis, E. (2020). Social media, ageism, and older adults during the COVID-19 pandemic. E-Clinical Medicine, Pp. 29-30.

Stuart, A, et al., (2022). Loneliness in older people and COVID-19: Applying the social identity approach to digital intervention design. Computers in Human Behaviour Reports, 6, Pp.1-5.

Tapper, J. (2022). UK care homes still stopping family reunions months after Covid rules eased. The Guardian. [Internet] Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/society/2022/sep/25/care-homes-families-still-denied-access-after-covid-rules-eased-uk (Accessed 30th march, 2023).

Thane, P. (2005). Long History of Old Age. 1^st Edition. Thames & Hudson.

UK Parliament, (2020). Coronavirus: impact on pandemic on health and social care workers. [Internet] Available at: https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm5802/cmselect/cmsctech/92/9209.htm (Accessed: April 10^th, 2023). 

Worobey, M et al., (2022). The Huanan Seafood Wholesale Market in Wuhan was the early epicentre of the COVID-19 pandemic. Science 377, Pp. 951-959. 

 Wilkinson, L and Adams, J. (2021). What impact has the COVID-19 pandemic had on under-pensioned groups? Pensions Policy Institute.

World Health Organization. (2022). The impact of ageism against older people chapter 03, global report on ageism. World Health Organisation. JSTOR. Pp. 47-55.

World Health Organization, (2020).  Shortage of personal protective equipment endangering health workers worldwide. [Internet]. Available: https://www.who.int/news-room/detail/03-03-2020-shortage-of-personal-protective-equipment-endangering-health-workers-worldwide [Accessed 11th April 2023].

World Health Organisation, (2022). WHO Coronavirus (COVID-19) dashboard. [Internet] Available at: https://covid19.who.int/ (Accessed 20^th of March 2023).

Zapletal, A., Wells, T., Russell, E., and Skinner, M. W. (2023). On the triple exclusion of older adults during COVID-19: Technology, digital literacy, and social isolation. Social Sciences & Humanities Open, 8(1), Pp.1-8.