{"id":586,"date":"2025-08-15T12:21:20","date_gmt":"2025-08-15T11:21:20","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/blogs.qub.ac.uk\/sssj\/?page_id=586"},"modified":"2025-08-15T13:21:23","modified_gmt":"2025-08-15T12:21:23","slug":"does-imprisonment-promote-rehabilitation-and-reduce-reoffending-a-critical-analysis-by-emma-humphries","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/blogs.qub.ac.uk\/sssj\/does-imprisonment-promote-rehabilitation-and-reduce-reoffending-a-critical-analysis-by-emma-humphries\/","title":{"rendered":"Does Imprisonment Promote Rehabilitation and Reduce Reoffending: A Critical Analysis"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
By Zoe Humphries<\/a> – 3rd Year Undergraduate Student – Criminology & Sociology<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Introduction<\/strong><\/a><\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Across the world imprisonment has been used<\/a> as a method of deterrence and punishment, however, its ability to rehabilitate and reduce reoffending is widely debated<\/a> (Bullock and Bunce, 2020; Maguire and Raynor, 2006). Historically, the purpose of imprisonment was retributive being imposed as punishment for a wrong, however, prisons today emphasise their rehabilitative intent (Bullock and Bunce, 2020; Spitzer, 1975).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rehabilitation in prison intends to help offenders to not reoffend by teaching them new skills and providing opportunities to allow them to reintegrate successfully into society (Forsberg and Douglas, 2020). However, despite the inclusion of rehabilitative programmes in prison, reoffending remains<\/a> a problem with a proven reoffending rate of 26.4% and rate of 56.6% for those released from sentences shorter than 12 months in 2022 (Ministry of Justice, 2024).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

 Therefore, this essay will argue that imprisonment does not promote rehabilitation and reduce reoffending by examining the availability of rehabilitation programmes in prisons, how imprisonment can hinder reintegration and the impact of imprisonment on individuals, while drawing on relevant theoretical explanations throughout. Moreover, this discussion will highlight how the digital era has affected a prison\u2019s ability to rehabilitate and how a strength-based approach to rehabilitation may offer a better way forward.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rehabilitation Programmes<\/strong><\/a><\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Overall, the success of prison rehabilitation programmes in reducing reoffending has been widely acknowledged<\/a>, especially the success associated with using the Risk-Need-Responsivity (RNR) Model (Andrews, Bonta and Wormith, 2011; Parhar et al., 2008). Rehabilitative programmes in prison are designed<\/a> to focus on criminogenic needs and dynamic risks factors to reduce reoffending (Prison Reform Trust, 2017). Dynamic risk factors often targeted in rehabilitative programmes include substance misuse, unemployment, homelessness, lack of education, mental health problems, and pro-criminal attitudes (Ministry of Justice, 2014; Ward and Stewart, 2003). However, recent prison inspections have highlighted that these programmes are not readily available to prisoners across England and Wales, with problems regarding<\/a> limited spaces and long waiting lists (HM Inspectorate of Prisons, 2024).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This may explain why the reoffending rates for those serving shorter sentences are higher at 56.6%, as they are put<\/a> on a waiting list that extends their sentence (Ministry of Justice, 2024; HM Inspectorate of Prisons, 2024). Furthermore, criteria to take part in rehabilitative programmes can be exclusionary, as an IQ requirement of 80 or above is often required, resulting in those who may need help the most, such as those who are neurodiverse and have complex needs, being ineligible to participate in such programmes (PBNI, 2021; Bunn, 2019). Therefore, improvements need to be made<\/a> to promote rehabilitation for everyone and reduce reoffending.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When looking at rehabilitative programmes, the RNR model argues that people should be matched to treatment programmes based on their risks, needs and the formats that they respond the most to (Bonta and Andrews, 2007). Risk involves deciding how intense treatments should be, for example, if offenders pose an elevated risk of reoffending, then an extensive treatment plan will be used<\/a> (Bonta and Andrews, 2007). Needs refers to focuses on targeting an offender’s criminogenic needs which may be contributing to their offending (e.g. substance use, unemployed, mental health issues, etc.), while responsivity involves matching programmes to the offender\u2019s learning style and abilities (Bonta and Andrews, 2007). While this model is used<\/a> across the world and has been successful in promoting rehabilitation and reducing reoffending, there are some limitations (Ward, Melser and Yates, 2007).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Through highlighting risks, the RNR has been criticised for being negatively focused causing motivational problems when seeking to promote change and engagement (Ward, Melser and Yates, 2007). Therefore, incorporating a strengths-based approach, such as the Good Lives Model (GLM), may promote rehabilitation and reduce reoffending further (Andrews, Bonta and Wormith, 2011). Overall, a strength-based approach may promote rehabilitation more than current prison practices, as its focus on a person\u2019s strengths and goals, increasing their sense of autonomy and demonstrating how they can make a positive contribution to their community, which is key to overcoming the pains of imprisonment and reducing reoffending (Maruna and LeBel, 2009; Ward and Maruna, 2007; Burnett and Maruna, 2006; Sykes, 1958).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The effectiveness of rehabilitation programmes in prison for promoting rehabilitation and reducing reoffending has been shown<\/a> through peer support schemes, for example, the use of peer mentors, buddies and through informal relationships (HM Inspectorate of Prisons, 2016). Peer mentoring helps those imprisoned as stigmatisation is limited<\/a> due to having shared or similar experiences (Devilly et al., 2005). Overall, the benefits of peer support schemes include offering more opportunities inside prison and on release, for example, working with Samaritans (HM Inspectorate of Prisons, 2016).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Advantages also apply to those who become mentors as according to Riessman\u2019s helper therapy principle, aiding others promotes self-reform and provides autonomy to allow for desistance (Riessman, 1965). Peer support is backed<\/a> up by former prisoners, as Allan Weaver highlights that the relationship he built with another prisoner provided credibility and gave him the motivation to change (Weaver and Weaver, 2013). Therefore, through peer support schemes and relationships, imprisonment can promote rehabilitation and reduce reoffending as change is encouraged<\/a> (Buck, 2021).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, there are problems associated with rehabilitation programmes in prison, with critics stating<\/a> that mandatory programmes that are mostly used<\/a> for substance misuse and sexual offences are controversial (Haviv et al., 2024; Day, Tucker and Howells, 2004). Due to there being negative consequences such as reduced incentives for not taking part in rehabilitative programmes, they can be viewed<\/a> as coercive (Haviv et al., 2024; Day, Tucker and Howells, 2004). Despite this coercion, the benefit of enforcing programmes has been argued<\/a> to exceed the negatives (Day, Tucker and Howells, 2004). However, research has highlighted that compulsory programmes in prison may be less effective compared to<\/a> voluntary participation in programmes (Parhar et al., 2008). Support for this can be found<\/a> in The Road from Crime documentary, where Allan Weaver describes his prison experience (Iriss, 2012).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Overall, Weaver highlights how the prison environment had not changed in over 25 years, with those imprisoned still only partaking in rehabilitative programmes because it is necessary and not for personal improvement (Iriss, 2012). This can be linked<\/a> to perceptions<\/a> of procedural justice as imprisonment prisoners feel coerced to participate in programmes rather than voluntarily choosing programmes that they believe may be the most beneficial or useful to them (Ryan and Bergin, 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Prison Environment<\/strong><\/a><\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

It is a widely accepted view that the prison environment encourages behavioural problems such as aggression (Butler, McNamee and Kelly, 2021; Bottoms, 1999; Sykes, 1958). Prison violence can be viewed<\/a> as a way to<\/a> assert dominance and masculinity as Butler, McNamee<\/a> and Kelly (2021) argue, due to the restrictions of prison life, men will become, or pose as, aggressive to gain a higher social position in prison. This idea can be explained<\/a> through social learning theory, as new prisoners observe<\/a> aggressive behaviours of others in prison and imitate them to appear tough (Pratt et al., 2010). Participating<\/a> in prison violence is a consistent predictor of recidivism in research, with studies highlighting violent misconduct is linked<\/a> to reoffending regardless of prisoner background and participation in rehabilitative programmes (Rodr\u00edguez-Men\u00e9s, G\u00f3mez-Casillas and Ru\u00eds-Vallejo, 2022; Cochran et al., 2014). Therefore, it may be that imprisonment teaches violence and aids reoffending rather than promoting rehabilitation and reducing reoffending.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The challenges associated with promoting rehabilitation and reducing reoffending can be examined<\/a> through a mixed model approach including both the deprivation and importation models (Sykes, 1958). The deprivation model highlights that the prison environment and conditions can cause both misconduct and psychological distress, impacting on rehabilitation and reoffending (Hochstetler and DeLisi, 2005; Sykes, 1958). The importation model explains how people bring past experiences and issues into the prison with them, which continue to impact on their offending and ability to partake in rehabilitation while in prison (Kigerl and Hamilton, 2016; Hochstetler and DeLisi, 2005; Sykes, 1958).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The pains of imprisonment, such as a lack of autonomy and independence, as well as unclean cells and long periods spent locked up, can cause psychological distress, resulting in increased frustrations and reducing prisoners’ ability to rehabilitate (Rocheleau, 2013; Crewe, 2011; Sykes, 1958). Due to overcrowding and understaffing in prisons, rehabilitative programmes are overloaded and under-resourced <\/a>while maintaining order and control is prioritised (Craig, 2004). In England and Wales, the ratio of officer to prisoner is high at 1:4.8, with crowded cells and limited staff to unlock meaning tensions are increased<\/a> (Nudd et al., 2024; Prison Reform Trust, 2014). Therefore, limited prison resources cannot provide the rehabilitation needed to prepare prisoners for release, meaning the likelihood of reoffending is elevated<\/a> (Craig, 2004).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The attitudes, past experiences and issues that prisoners had brought into prison with them, may also continue to affect their thoughts, behaviours and emotions while in prison and on release if unaddressed. In this way, the causes of their offending are not addressed, and people can continue to reoffend on release from prison. For instance, while theories on desistance stating<\/a> social bonds such as family and peer relations are important for desisting from crime, this is only the case if these relationships are promoting pro-social behaviour as if family and peers are involved in offending, it may encourage reoffending (Harding, Morenoff and Herbert, 2013; Maruna, 2001).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Impact of Imprisonment:<\/strong><\/a><\/a><\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Imprisonment can also hinder rehabilitation and reducing reoffending due to the impact of being labelled<\/a> a criminal and the stigmatisation that comes from it. Labelling theory produced by Becker (1963) explains how behaviours can be viewed and labelled a crime, depending on social norms at that time. Similarly, people can be labelled criminal and deviant through their detention in prison, influencing how others interact with them and reducing their ability to obtain employment, housing and other resources (Deakin and Fox, 2022). Labels associated with being imprisoned<\/a> such as \u2018convict\u2019 or \u2018criminal\u2019 can be damaging, causing the person who is labelled<\/a> to turn into what they are called<\/a> (Bemenga, 2021; Tannenbaum, 1938).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

While prisons have tried to tackle labelling, for example, the language used inside Hydebank College has changed to describe those imprisoned as students, labelling still results in stigmatisation of those imprisoned worldwide (Deakin and Fox, 2022; Martin, 2021). Problems resulting from increased stigmatisation include reduced employment opportunities and difficulties gaining financial loans (Deakin and Fox, 2022). Issues with obtaining employment can create extreme knock-on effects including financial, housing and relationship difficulties (Keene, Smoyer and Blankenship, 2018).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The effects of labelling and stigmatisation can be viewed<\/a> through Adam\u2019s experience with obtaining employment, as despite having the qualifications, a criminal record check meant he was automatically rejected<\/a> for jobs (Carey, Grant and Tompkins, 2022). Therefore, due to stigmatisation and the challenges faced by those who have been imprisoned<\/a>, they are stuck in a cycle of offending, as research demonstrates<\/a> that increased contact with the criminal justice system increases the potential to be labelled<\/a>, making it difficult to stop reoffending (McAra and McVie, 2007). As a result, it may be that imprisonment does not promote rehabilitation and increases the risk to reoffend.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rehabilitation in a Digital Divide<\/strong><\/a><\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

While the regulation of technology in prisons is a vital security precaution for individuals involved in hacking or terrorist offences, its absence from prison causes a digital divide in criminalised individuals serving both short and long sentences due to unpredictable changes in technology (Blomberg et al., 2021). Overall, a lack of technology inside prison shows prisoners will not be prepared for release, with rehabilitation programmes not emphasising changes to society (Zivanai and Mahlangu, 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In contemporary society, the use of technology and need for digital skills dominates many areas of life, with its limited use in prison leading to problems on release (Zivanai and Mahlangu, 2022). For example, looking for and applying to jobs and accommodation is an essential step for individuals on release, but services are focused<\/a> more online with those imprisoned unable to navigate this change (Zivanai and Mahlangu, 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is important as stable accommodation and employment are well known factors in facilitating<\/a> rehabilitation and reducing reoffending (O\u2019Leary, 2013; Grimwood and Berman, 2012). Moreover, access to technology will allow criminalised individuals to stay connected to family and friends who are unable to attend prison visits, which is key to aiding rehabilitation and reducing reoffending (Zivanai and Mahlangu, 2022; Grimwood and Berman, 2012). Therefore, without prisons offering support for digital skills, it may be argued<\/a> that imprisonment does not promote rehabilitation or reduce reoffending.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Conclusion<\/strong><\/a><\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

While imprisonment can somewhat promote<\/a> rehabilitation and reduce reoffending through the use of<\/a> prison as a deterrent, rehabilitative programmes<\/a> and peer support schemes, overall reoffending rates remain<\/a> high (HM Inspectorate of Prisons, 2016; Parhar et al., 2008; Spitzer, 1975). Therefore, imprisonment cannot fully promote rehabilitation and reduce reoffending as it provides a violent environment that lacks autonomy, causes stigmatisation and labelling, and rehabilitation falls short in a digitally driven society (Zivanai and Mahlangu, 2022; Butler, McNamee and Kelly, 2021; Sykes, 1958). In the future, imprisonment needs to adapt and offer more autonomy to those imprisoned by focusing on strength-based approaches to successfully promote rehabilitation and reduce reoffending in the 21st<\/sup> century (Maruna and LeBel, 2009; Sykes, 1958).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Reference List<\/strong><\/a><\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

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By Zoe Humphries – 3rd Year Undergraduate Student – Criminology & Sociology Introduction Across the world imprisonment has been used as a method of deterrence and punishment, however, its ability to rehabilitate and reduce reoffending is widely debated (Bullock and Bunce, 2020; Maguire and Raynor, 2006). Historically, the purpose of imprisonment was retributive being imposed as punishment for a wrong, however, prisons today emphasise their rehabilitative intent (Bullock and Bunce, 2020; Spitzer, 1975). Rehabilitation in prison intends to help offenders to not reoffend by teaching them new skills and providing opportunities to allow them to reintegrate successfully into society (Forsberg and Douglas, 2020). However, despite the inclusion of rehabilitative programmes in prison, reoffending remains a problem with a proven reoffending rate of 26.4% and rate of 56.6% for those released from sentences shorter than 12 months in 2022 (Ministry of Justice, 2024).  Therefore, this essay will argue that imprisonment does not promote rehabilitation and reduce reoffending by examining the availability of rehabilitation programmes in prisons, how imprisonment can hinder reintegration and the impact of imprisonment on individuals, while drawing on relevant theoretical explanations throughout. Moreover, this discussion will highlight how the digital era has affected a prison\u2019s ability to rehabilitate and how a strength-based approach to rehabilitation may offer a better way forward. Rehabilitation Programmes Overall, the success of prison rehabilitation programmes in reducing reoffending has been widely acknowledged, especially the success associated with using the Risk-Need-Responsivity (RNR) Model (Andrews, Bonta and Wormith, 2011; Parhar et al., 2008). Rehabilitative programmes in prison are designed to focus on criminogenic needs and dynamic risks factors to reduce reoffending (Prison Reform Trust, 2017). Dynamic risk factors often targeted in rehabilitative programmes include substance misuse, unemployment, homelessness, lack of education, mental health problems, and pro-criminal attitudes (Ministry of Justice, 2014; Ward and Stewart, 2003). However, recent prison inspections have highlighted that these programmes are not readily available to prisoners across England and Wales, with problems regarding limited spaces and long waiting lists (HM Inspectorate of Prisons, 2024). This may explain why the reoffending rates for those serving shorter sentences are higher at 56.6%, as they are put on a waiting list that extends their sentence (Ministry of Justice, 2024; HM Inspectorate of Prisons, 2024). Furthermore, criteria to take part in rehabilitative programmes can be exclusionary, as an IQ requirement of 80 or above is often required, resulting in those who may need help the most, such as those who are neurodiverse and have complex needs, being ineligible to participate in such programmes (PBNI, 2021; Bunn, 2019). Therefore, improvements need to be made to promote rehabilitation for everyone and reduce reoffending. When looking at rehabilitative programmes, the RNR model argues that people should be matched to treatment programmes based on their risks, needs and the formats that they respond the most to (Bonta and Andrews, 2007). Risk involves deciding how intense treatments should be, for example, if offenders pose an elevated risk of reoffending, then an extensive treatment plan will be used (Bonta and Andrews, 2007). Needs refers to focuses on targeting an offender’s criminogenic needs which may be contributing to their offending (e.g. substance use, unemployed, mental health issues, etc.), while responsivity involves matching programmes to the offender\u2019s learning style and abilities (Bonta and Andrews, 2007). While this model is used across the world and has been successful in promoting rehabilitation and reducing reoffending, there are some limitations (Ward, Melser and Yates, 2007). Through highlighting risks, the RNR has been criticised for being negatively focused causing motivational problems when seeking to promote change and engagement (Ward, Melser and Yates, 2007). Therefore, incorporating a strengths-based approach, such as the Good Lives Model (GLM), may promote rehabilitation and reduce reoffending further (Andrews, Bonta and Wormith, 2011). Overall, a strength-based approach may promote rehabilitation more than current prison practices, as its focus on a person\u2019s strengths and goals, increasing their sense of autonomy and demonstrating how they can make a positive contribution to their community, which is key to overcoming the pains of imprisonment and reducing reoffending (Maruna and LeBel, 2009; Ward and Maruna, 2007; Burnett and Maruna, 2006; Sykes, 1958). The effectiveness of rehabilitation programmes in prison for promoting rehabilitation and reducing reoffending has been shown through peer support schemes, for example, the use of peer mentors, buddies and through informal relationships (HM Inspectorate of Prisons, 2016). Peer mentoring helps those imprisoned as stigmatisation is limited due to having shared or similar experiences (Devilly et al., 2005). Overall, the benefits of peer support schemes include offering more opportunities inside prison and on release, for example, working with Samaritans (HM Inspectorate of Prisons, 2016). Advantages also apply to those who become mentors as according to Riessman\u2019s helper therapy principle, aiding others promotes self-reform and provides autonomy to allow for desistance (Riessman, 1965). Peer support is backed up by former prisoners, as Allan Weaver highlights that the relationship he built with another prisoner provided credibility and gave him the motivation to change (Weaver and Weaver, 2013). Therefore, through peer support schemes and relationships, imprisonment can promote rehabilitation and reduce reoffending as change is encouraged (Buck, 2021). However, there are problems associated with rehabilitation programmes in prison, with critics stating that mandatory programmes that are mostly used for substance misuse and sexual offences are controversial (Haviv et al., 2024; Day, Tucker and Howells, 2004). Due to there being negative consequences such as reduced incentives for not taking part in rehabilitative programmes, they can be viewed as coercive (Haviv et al., 2024; Day, Tucker and Howells, 2004). Despite this coercion, the benefit of enforcing programmes has been argued to exceed the negatives (Day, Tucker and Howells, 2004). However, research has highlighted that compulsory programmes in prison may be less effective compared to voluntary participation in programmes (Parhar et al., 2008). Support for this can be found in The Road from Crime documentary, where Allan Weaver describes his prison experience (Iriss, 2012). Overall, Weaver highlights how the prison environment had not changed in over 25 years, with those imprisoned still only partaking in rehabilitative programmes because it is necessary and not for personal improvement (Iriss, 2012). This can be linked to perceptions of procedural justice as imprisonment prisoners feel coerced to participate in programmes rather than voluntarily choosing programmes that they believe may be the most beneficial or useful to them (Ryan and Bergin, 2022). The Prison Environment It is a widely accepted view that the prison environment encourages behavioural problems such as aggression (Butler, McNamee and Kelly, 2021; Bottoms, 1999; Sykes, 1958). Prison violence can be viewed as a way to assert dominance and masculinity as Butler, McNamee and Kelly (2021) argue, due to the restrictions of prison life, men will become, or pose as, aggressive to gain a higher social position in prison. This idea can be explained through social learning theory, as new prisoners observe aggressive behaviours of others in prison and imitate them to appear tough (Pratt et al., 2010). Participating in prison violence is a consistent predictor of recidivism in research, with studies highlighting violent misconduct is linked to reoffending regardless of prisoner background and participation in rehabilitative programmes (Rodr\u00edguez-Men\u00e9s, G\u00f3mez-Casillas and Ru\u00eds-Vallejo, 2022; Cochran et al., 2014). Therefore, it may be that imprisonment teaches violence and aids reoffending rather than promoting rehabilitation and reducing reoffending. The challenges associated with promoting rehabilitation and reducing reoffending can be examined through a mixed model approach including both the deprivation and importation models (Sykes, 1958). The deprivation model highlights that the prison environment and conditions can cause both misconduct and psychological distress, impacting on rehabilitation and reoffending (Hochstetler and DeLisi, 2005; Sykes, 1958). The importation model explains how people bring past experiences and issues into the prison with them, which continue to impact on their offending and ability to partake in rehabilitation while in prison (Kigerl and Hamilton, 2016; Hochstetler and DeLisi, 2005; Sykes, 1958). The pains of imprisonment, such as a lack of autonomy and independence, as well as unclean cells and long periods spent locked up, can cause psychological distress, resulting in increased frustrations and reducing prisoners’ ability to rehabilitate (Rocheleau, 2013; Crewe, 2011; Sykes, 1958). Due to overcrowding and understaffing in prisons, rehabilitative programmes are overloaded and under-resourced while maintaining order and control is prioritised (Craig, 2004). In England and Wales, the ratio of officer to prisoner is high at 1:4.8, with crowded cells and limited staff to unlock meaning tensions are increased (Nudd et al., 2024; Prison Reform Trust, 2014). Therefore, limited prison resources cannot provide the rehabilitation needed to prepare prisoners for release, meaning the likelihood of reoffending is elevated (Craig, 2004). The attitudes, past experiences and issues that prisoners had brought into prison with them, may also continue to affect their thoughts, behaviours and emotions while in prison and on release if unaddressed. In this way, the causes of their offending are not addressed, and people can continue to reoffend on release from prison. For instance, while theories on desistance stating social bonds such as family and peer relations are important for desisting from crime, this is only the case if these relationships are promoting pro-social behaviour as if family and peers are involved in offending, it may encourage reoffending (Harding, Morenoff and Herbert, 2013; Maruna, 2001). Impact of Imprisonment: Imprisonment can also hinder rehabilitation and reducing reoffending due to the impact of being labelled a criminal and the stigmatisation that comes from it. Labelling theory produced by Becker (1963) explains how behaviours can be viewed and labelled a crime, depending on social norms at that time. Similarly, people can be labelled criminal and deviant through their detention in prison, influencing how others interact with them and reducing their ability to obtain employment, housing and other resources (Deakin and Fox, 2022). Labels associated with being imprisoned such as \u2018convict\u2019 or \u2018criminal\u2019 can be damaging, causing the person who is labelled to turn into what they are called (Bemenga, 2021; Tannenbaum, 1938). While prisons have tried to tackle labelling, for example, the language used inside Hydebank College has changed to describe those imprisoned as students, labelling still results in stigmatisation of those imprisoned worldwide (Deakin and Fox, 2022; Martin, 2021). Problems resulting from increased stigmatisation include reduced employment opportunities and difficulties gaining financial loans (Deakin and Fox, 2022). Issues with obtaining employment can create extreme knock-on effects including financial, housing and relationship difficulties (Keene, Smoyer and Blankenship, 2018). The effects of labelling and stigmatisation can be viewed through Adam\u2019s experience with obtaining employment, as despite having the qualifications, a criminal record check meant he was automatically rejected for jobs (Carey, Grant and Tompkins, 2022). Therefore, due to stigmatisation and the challenges faced by those who have been imprisoned, they are stuck in a cycle of offending, as research demonstrates that increased contact with the criminal justice system increases the potential to be labelled, making it difficult to stop reoffending (McAra and McVie, 2007). As a result, it may be that imprisonment does not promote rehabilitation and increases the risk to reoffend. Rehabilitation in a Digital Divide While the regulation of technology in prisons is a vital security precaution for individuals involved in hacking or terrorist offences, its absence from prison causes a digital divide in criminalised individuals serving both short and long sentences due to unpredictable changes in technology (Blomberg et al., 2021). Overall, a lack of technology inside prison shows prisoners will not be prepared for release, with rehabilitation programmes not emphasising changes to society (Zivanai and Mahlangu, 2022). In contemporary society, the use of technology and need for digital skills dominates many areas of life, with its limited use in prison leading to problems on release (Zivanai and Mahlangu, 2022). For example, looking for and applying to jobs and accommodation is an essential step for individuals on release, but services are focused more online with those imprisoned unable to navigate this change (Zivanai and Mahlangu, 2022). This is important as stable accommodation and employment are well known factors in facilitating rehabilitation and reducing reoffending (O\u2019Leary, 2013; Grimwood and Berman, 2012). 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