{"id":744,"date":"2024-03-14T12:05:14","date_gmt":"2024-03-14T12:05:14","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/blogs.qub.ac.uk\/pb-happ\/?p=744"},"modified":"2024-03-14T12:05:14","modified_gmt":"2024-03-14T12:05:14","slug":"governing-northern-ireland-the-dance-of-the-dup-and-sinn-fein","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blogs.qub.ac.uk\/pb-happ\/2024\/03\/14\/governing-northern-ireland-the-dance-of-the-dup-and-sinn-fein\/","title":{"rendered":"Governing Northern Ireland: The Dance of the DUP and Sinn F\u00e9in\u00a0"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p><strong>Can Devolved Government Work in Northern Ireland with the dup and Sinn Fein as the helm?<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Devolution In Northern Ireland, has constantly entailed an exacting balance that is frequently characterised by the relationship shared between the two main political parties: the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Sinn F\u00e9in. The deep-rooted historical divides between the leading parties has caused the long-lasting fragility within government, that has grinded the nation to a halt on several occasions in recent years. In this blog post we delve into the ever-evolving relationship between Sinn Fein and the Dup, alongside their impact on successful devolution in Northern Ireland.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>To understand devolution in Northern Ireland It is essential to take a brief look back into Northern Ireland&#8217;s stormy past in order to fully understand the current circumstances. The Troubles, a period of protracted sectarian violence that took the lives of over 3500 people, left behind wounds that still influence political discourse and decision-making procedures today (Bosi &amp; Di Fasio, 2017). The troubles were ended by the Good Friday agreement of 1998 and following agreements attempted to bring the leading parties together to provide a stable government in Northern Ireland.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Now let us look closer at the key parties in Northern Ireland.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Sinn Fein<\/strong>&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Sinn Fein, the political arm of the Irish republican movement, has undergone a significant transformation in recent decades. Once considered the political wing of the Irish Republican Army (IRA), Sinn Fein has evolved into a key player in Northern Ireland&#8217;s devolved government, advocating for Irish reunification and representing the nationalist community. Led by figures like Gerry Adams and now by Mary Lou McDonald, Sinn F\u00e9in has made significant gains, becoming the largest parties in terms of vote share. Their political platform focuses on issues such as social justice, equality, and the rights of Irish speakers. Sinn F\u00e9in&#8217;s impact on devolution has been profound. The party has held positions such as Deputy First Minister, with figures like Martin McGuinness playing crucial roles in power-sharing agreements with the DUP and now with the party&#8217;s recent success in election the first minister post for Northern Ireland is currently held by Michelle O\u2019Neill.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Democratic Unionist Party (DUP)<\/strong>&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Founded in 1971 by Ian Paisley, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) stands as one of the most prominent parties in Northern Ireland. Known for its strong unionist stance, the DUP advocates for Northern Ireland&#8217;s continued status as part of the United Kingdom. Over the years, the party has been influential in various aspects of governance, particularly during the peace process and in the establishment of the devolved institutions (King, 2008).\u00a0 However, the DUP&#8217;s influence on devolution has not been without controversy. Issues such as the Renewable Heat Incentive scandal, Brexit, and social policy disagreements have led to periods of instability within the Northern Ireland Assembly. Despite this, the DUP remains a significant force in Northern Irish politics, shaping the discussions and decisions within the devolved government.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>The Relationships Impact on Devolution&nbsp;<\/strong>&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The\u202fdevolved\u202fadministration\u202fof\u202fNorthern\u202fIreland\u202fis\u202fbased\u202fon\u202fthe\u202frelationship\u202fbetween\u202fthe\u202fDUP\u202fand\u202fSinn\u202fF\u00e9in. Due\u202fto\u202fthe\u202fpower-sharing\u202fagreement,\u202fcommonly\u202freferred\u202fto as\u202fthe\u202f&#8221;mandatory\u202fcoalition,&#8221; \u202fthese\u202fparties\u202fmust\u202fcollaborate\u202fin\u202fthe\u202fExecutive\u202fto\u202fguarantee\u202fthe\u202frepresentation\u202fof\u202fboth\u202funionist\u202fand\u202fnationalist\u202fpositions (Doyle,2018).\u00a0 Although\u202fnecessary\u202ffor\u202finclusivity\u202fand\u202fshared\u202fgovernment,\u202fthis\u202fapproach\u202fhas\u202fled\u202fto\u202fproblems\u202fin\u202fperiods\u202fof\u202finstability.\u202f Political\u202fdeadlocks\u202fhave\u202fresulted\u202ffrom\u202fissues\u202fsuch\u202fBrexit,\u202fthe\u202fIrish\u202fLanguage\u202fAct,\u202fand\u202fhistorical\u202fdisagreements\u202fover\u202fflags\u202fand\u202fparades\u202fthat\u202fhave\u202fbrought\u202fthe\u202fExecutive\u202fand\u202fAssembly\u202fto a halt (Murtagh &amp; Shirlow, 2012).\u00a0The collapse of the power-sharing institutions in 2017, due to disagreements over a renewable heating scandal, highlighted the fragility of the arrangement. It took three years to restore the Executive, a period marked by direct rule from Westminster and growing frustration among the public. However, the return of devolution in 2020 marked a significant milestone, offering hope for continued progress and cooperation. The New Decade, New Approach agreement, brokered by the UK and Irish governments, provided a framework for addressing key issues and restoring public trust. But this was again proved insufficient as the assembly was brought to a halt following disagreement over recent elections and the fallout of the Northern Ireland protocol.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Moving forward&nbsp;<\/strong>&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The\u202frelationship between\u202fthe\u202ftwo\u202fpolitical\u202fparties\u202fwill\u202fundoubtedly continue to shift\u202fas\u202fNorthern\u202fIreland\u202fmoves\u202fcloser\u202fto\u202fa\u202fshared\u202ffuture. The divisions\u202fbetween the two will\u202fcontinue\u202fto\u202finfluence\u202fthe\u202fregion&#8217;s\u202ffuture until there are changes made to enable a more prosperous\u202fand\u202fstable\u202fNorthern\u202fIreland\u202ffor\u202fall.&nbsp;&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>So, what changes can be made?&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The need for change is clearly needed however any change will need to be seen by the leaders in Stormont before it begins to seep into the countries social structure and tensions eventually subside. In recent times we have seen steps being taken through the DUPs (Democratic Unionist Party) acceptance of a Sinn Fein first minister but that must be seen as a first step towards a full commitment to further political stability.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bibliography&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bosi, L., &amp; De Fazio, G. (2017). Contextualizing the Troubles: Investigating Deeply Divided Societies through Social Movements Research. In L. Bosi &amp; G. De Fazio (Eds.),\u202f<em>The Troubles in Northern Ireland and Theories of Social Movements<\/em>\u202f(pp. 11\u201332). Amsterdam University Press.&nbsp;&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>John Doyle. (2018). Reflecting on the Northern Ireland Conflict and Peace Process: 20 years since the Good Friday Agreement. <em>Irish Studies in International Affairs<\/em>.&nbsp;&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Murtagh, B., &amp; Shirlow, P. (2012). Devolution and the Politics of Development in Northern Ireland. Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy, 30(1), 46-61.&nbsp;&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>King, S. (2008). In from the Cold: The Rise to Prominence of the Democratic Unionist Party since 2003.\u202f<em>The Irish Review (1986-)<\/em>,\u202f<em>38<\/em>, 1\u201312.&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Can Devolved Government Work in Northern Ireland with the dup and Sinn Fein as the helm?\u00a0 Devolution In Northern Ireland,<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1501,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-744","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorised"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.qub.ac.uk\/pb-happ\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/744","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.qub.ac.uk\/pb-happ\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.qub.ac.uk\/pb-happ\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.qub.ac.uk\/pb-happ\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1501"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.qub.ac.uk\/pb-happ\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=744"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.qub.ac.uk\/pb-happ\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/744\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":745,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.qub.ac.uk\/pb-happ\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/744\/revisions\/745"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.qub.ac.uk\/pb-happ\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=744"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.qub.ac.uk\/pb-happ\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=744"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.qub.ac.uk\/pb-happ\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=744"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}