Within the \u2018winner takes all\u2019 rhetoric, regurgitated through the first past the post electoral system, there is a great deal of discussion that revolves around the employment of such a system across the electoral precincts in England. Deliberation on the issue comes through an ability to critically analyse and also compare the aforementioned model with other such electoral frameworks in the North of Ireland, Scotland and Wales, all of which offer quite distinct, yet respective proportional establishments come crunch time, that is, election day.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Quinn (2023a) informs the debate regarding a potential reform in customs surrounding the traditional electoral system prominent within Westminster. Interestingly, Quinn (2023b), citing Neal Lawson and Nigel Farage, also acknowledges the apparent credibility in the criteria of both first past the post and proportional representation, wherein the complexion of British politics could well have been significantly different with Farage and UKIP, had the latter system been adopted and introduced within the parliamentary elections back in 2015. The simplicity of first past the post has borne fruit through a series of by election results, none other, most recently, than that of George Galloway of the Workers\u2019 Party\u2019s ascendancy over Labour in Rochdale (Baston, The Guardian, 2024a).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
It often appears that such victories are regarded as significant due to the collective action of the electorate thus further informing the debate on representation and voter discontent, as Baston (2024b) alludes to the point that this discontent wasn\u2019t only characterised through the underperformance of both the Conservatives and Labour, which was \u201cthe worst result for the big two since the wartime by \u2013 elections of 1941 \u2013 45 \u2013 but the Liberal Democrats, the Greens and Reform UK all slipped as well.\u201d <\/em>Quinn (2023c) goes beyond, comparing British politics with political systems in Western Europe, acknowledging the benefit of causing an upset, however, argues that under a system of proportional representation, the representation of voters would become a lot less peripheral or superficial, and closer to home and how, therefore, \u201ca dealigned electorate is more likely to shop around in a fragmented electoral market place, including for parties with little or no current representation.\u201d\u00a0\u00a0<\/em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n Disregarding the traditional first past the post method, White (2022a), argues the advantageous reception of proportional representation within the electoral precincts at Westminster and across England. Interestingly, put forth here is an idea that concentrates on the potential for constitutional reform which would eventually coincide with a system of proportionality in elections. The method of rationale assumes that constitutional reform entails the relinquishment of the already existent state of affairs wherein the executive is drawn from the legislature, and thus greater separation, governed through a process whereby seats in Westminster correspond to that of a party\u2019s respective share of the vote. This therefore would limit the supremacy frequently displayed over the totality of parliamentary sovereignty and as White (2022b) notes, citing Young (2017), \u201cTaken together, the two reforms can be expected to disperse power and create more checks and balances, to \u2018deconcentrate\u2019 power.\u201d\u00a0<\/em> Indeed, such supremacy within the aforementioned principle has been countlessly exemplified and characterised through the larger majorities commanded by the respective parties, most recently that of Boris Johnson\u2019s superiority of eighty seats\u00a0 in the 2019 election (BBC News, 2019).\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n An underlying trait, visible within any system of governance is the level of, and ability to command, efficient and coherent representation of the collective, that is the electorate. More precisely, Zittel (2020), acknowledges parliamentary representatives as important \u201cmechanisms for responsive government since they provide avenues for participation and interaction between citizens and the state.\u201d <\/em>Analysis of the current level of efficiency of representation can be drawn from the complexion of the respective local authorities which eventually foster a progression towards relevant representation in parliament. Childs and Cowley (2011) ascertain the method of rationale for the employment of descriptive representation, as well as its credibility, within the electoral framework, amongst the mainstream. Here, Parliament should indeed be a micro \u2013 cosmic exemplar of the electorate, on whose behalf it legislates for, but also discussed, is the importance \u201cthat is not just that people should have someone who speaks for them, but that they have one of their own speaking for them…,\u201d. <\/em>Aside from George Galloway\u2019s historic victory, reported on also was the successes of independent candidate David Tully, who received 21.3 per cent of the vote share in the Rochdale by \u2013 election (BBC News, 2024). The significance underlying this is the fact that Tully exemplified the vision of descriptive representation of the locality, as a well \u2013 known local businessman, and not just another career politician.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n It is clear that the electoral system is the subject of intense debate and recent events have characterised the level of representation that is ever present in the current political discourse. A number of arguments have also been put forth in order to elaborate upon the necessities required for change in the electoral system as well as the expectations for respective requirements that suffice efficient representation of the voter.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bibliography:<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n Quinn, T. (2023) \u2018What Would the British Party System Look Like Under Proportional Representation?\u2019 The Political Quarterly, <\/em>94(4), pp. 653 \u2013 661. [Online]. Available at: https:\/\/onlinelibrary.wiley.com\/doi\/10.1111\/1467-923X.13315<\/a> (Accessed: 5th<\/sup> March 2024). <\/p>\n\n\n\n Baston, L. (2024) \u2018Rochdale byelection confirms dissatisfaction but little else is certain.\u2019 The Guardian, <\/em>1st<\/sup> March. <\/em>[Online]. Available at: https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/politics\/2024\/mar\/01\/rochdale-byelection-confirms-dissatisfaction-but-little-else-is-certain-george-galloway#:~:text=The%20Rochdale%20byelection%20was%20an,UK%20all%20slipped%20as%20well<\/a>. (Accessed: 5th<\/sup> March 2024)\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n White, S. (2022) \u2018How Should a Progressive Parliament Advance Proportional Representation?\u2019 The Political Quarterly, <\/em>(93)2, pp. 297 \u2013 306. [Online]. Available at: https:\/\/onlinelibrary.wiley.com\/doi\/10.1111\/1467-923X.13146<\/a> (Accessed: 5th<\/sup> March 2024). <\/p>\n\n\n\n BBC News (2019) Election results 2019: Which party got the most votes…and other questions.<\/em> [Online]. Available at: https:\/\/www.bbc.co.uk\/news\/election-2019-50779901<\/a> (Accessed: 5th<\/sup> March 2024). <\/p>\n\n\n\n Rohrschneider, R. and Thomassen, J. (2020) The Oxford Handbook of Political Representation in Liberal Democracies. \u2018Chapter 7 \u2013 Constituency Candidates and Political Representation\u2019, <\/em>Thomas Zittel. <\/em>[Online]. Available at: https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/oxfordhb\/9780198825081.013.7<\/a> (Accessed: 5th<\/sup> March 2024) <\/p>\n\n\n\n Childs, S. and Cowley, P. (2011) \u2018The Politics of Local Prescence: Is There a Case for Descriptive Representation?\u2019 Political Studies <\/em>(59)1, pp. 1 \u2013 19. [Online]. Available at: https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1111\/j.1467-9248.2010.00846.x<\/a> (Accessed 5th<\/sup> March 2024) <\/p>\n\n\n\n