{"id":359,"date":"2024-02-12T23:25:27","date_gmt":"2024-02-12T23:25:27","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/blogs.qub.ac.uk\/pb-happ\/?p=359"},"modified":"2024-02-12T23:25:27","modified_gmt":"2024-02-12T23:25:27","slug":"the-delicacies-and-detriments-of-devolution","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blogs.qub.ac.uk\/pb-happ\/2024\/02\/12\/the-delicacies-and-detriments-of-devolution\/","title":{"rendered":"The Delicacies and Detriments of Devolution."},"content":{"rendered":"\n

As an operation focused on the allocation of institutional power from the centralised autonomy, devolution is becoming ever more prevalent within the contemporary sphere of British politics. After a lengthy spell on the backfoot, the rejuvenation of the governmental institutions at Stormont has seen the reinauguration of the consociational framework (BBC News<\/em>, 2024a) which is quite distinct from the other devolved networks in Scotland and Wales. Devolution allows for a legitimate framework based on governmental autonomy, which inevitably becomes the mainstay of the respective region\u2019s institutional apparatus.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Such regional autonomy, however, has the potential to often be overlooked and underestimated under the Westminster government’s auspices due to a recent escalation of events, namely Brexit (Sandford, Gormely \u2013 Heenan, 2020). There is an intensification in the debate focused on the intricacies of Brexit, when coupled with adherent stipulations for multi \u2013 level governance as there was a great deal of ambiguity generated by the mission to reclaim sovereignty over such powers already exclusively enjoyed by the devolved institutions raising the question, \u201cprecisely which government \/ parliament is \u2018taking back control?\u2019.\u201d\u00a0<\/em>\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It\u2019s important to understand the delicate nature surrounding the status of devolution in the North of Ireland. The recent rejuvenation of local government provides for the operation of the consociational model hereby guaranteeing a unique component upholding the respective safeguards amongst the cross – communal equilibrium (BBC News, 2011). The process of the respective D\u2019Hondt method (Sargeant, Rycroft, 2022) ensures the stability required to govern a functioning power sharing\u00a0executive at Stormont and therefore, exercising the necessity to qualify for proportional representation, this method currently sees Sinn F\u00e9in enjoy a heavier presence within the executive, (BBC News, 2024b). Indeed, the ability for this party to take up the portfolio of First Minister and a (co-opted) DUP deputy First Minister acts as a precedent for the eventual allocation of executive ministers, as has been evidenced with the appointment of four other Sinn F\u00e9in MLAs to the executive compared to the DUP’s three, two from the Alliance and one from the Ulster Unionist Party, with the SDLP taking up the mantle of official opposition. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The magnitude of other such events, for example, the Scottish Independence referendum, as well as events here after may well contribute to the question on the future of devolution, countenanced by those within political spheres, sympathetic for an extension in the delegation of governmental authority to the regional networks (Petrie, 2023). However, on the flip side, a certain question arising from the employment of devolution within the North of Ireland, Scotland and Wales also alluded to a reactionary response from the government at Westminster with regards to the feasibility of devolution closer to home (Institute for Government, 2023). Indeed, as part of this process towards \u2018English devolution\u2019, the North \u2013 East region of England has benefitted from a superfluous financial package<\/a> concentrating on respective infrastructure and investment (BBC News, 2024). Ayers et al., (2018, pgs. 854 \u2013 855) acknowledge and outline the apparent scarcity which tarnished regional authority in England over the years, in contrast to such places as the North of Ireland, whose exhibition of local autonomy is complimented by the status of cross \u2013 communal identity. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Devine (2021) references the Northern Ireland Life and Times<\/em> survey of years gone by, concentrating on the status of identity and respective religious and political affiliation. Notable in this analysis, updated to inform the debate on identity, is a decline in the percentage of citizens previously identifying as either Irish or British, Catholic or Protestant, Nationalist or Unionist. Indeed, certain elements represent a greater drop, while other figures show a much less decline, yet a decline, nonetheless.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

In conclusion, devolution is a significant device belonging to the wider contents which make up the complexion of British Politics. Recent events have characterised greater awareness of the status of devolution, therefore encouraging a deeper discussion on the future of devolution, and whether it has the capacity to endure. However, certainly, the operation of devolution does continue to prove to be of benefit to those charged with enjoying the respective regional autonomy.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bibliography:         <\/p>\n\n\n\n

BBC News (2024). Stormont: Michelle O\u2019Neill makes history as nationalist first minister – <\/em>[Online]. Available at: https:\/\/www.bbc.co.uk\/news\/uk-northern-ireland-politics-68180505<\/a> (Accessed: 9th<\/sup> February 2024). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sandford, M., Gormley \u2013 Heenan, C. (2020) \u2018Taking Back Control\u2019, the UK\u2019s Constitutional Narrative and Schrodinger\u2019s Devolution.\u2019, Parliamentary Affairs, <\/em>73(1), pp. 108 \u2013 126 [Online]. Available at: https:\/\/academic.oup.com\/pa\/article\/73\/1\/108\/5151288<\/a> <\/em>(Accessed: 9th<\/sup> February 2024).  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

BBC News (2011). D\u2019Hondt system for picking NI ministers in Stormont. <\/em>[Online]. Available at: https:\/\/www.bbc.co.uk\/news\/uk-northern-ireland-politics-13359731<\/a> <\/em>(Accessed: 9th<\/sup> February 2024).  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sargeant, J., Rycroft, L. (2022). Northern Ireland Assembly \u2013 Institute for Government. <\/em>[Online]. Available at: https:\/\/www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk\/explainer\/northern-ireland-assembly<\/a> <\/em>(Accessed: 9th<\/sup> February 2024).  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Petrie, M. (2023) \u2018Politics, the Constitution and the Independence Movement in Scotland since Devolution.\u2019 The Political Quarterly,<\/em> 94(4), pp. 518 \u2013 525. [Online]. Available at: https:\/\/onlinelibrary.wiley.com\/doi\/10.1111\/1467-923X.13311<\/a> (Accessed: 9th<\/sup> February 2024).  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Henderson, D., Paun, A., Allen, B. (2023). English Devolution \u2013 Institue for Government. <\/em>[Online]. Available at: https:\/\/www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk\/explainer\/english-devolution<\/a> (Accessed: 8th<\/sup> February 2024).  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

BBC News (2024). Arena and business parks get \u00a323m devolution cash. <\/em>[Online]. Available at: https:\/\/www.bbc.co.uk\/news\/articles\/clj94y2k9l4o#<\/a> (Accessed: 9th<\/sup> February 2024).  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayres, S., Flinders, M., Sandford, M. (2018) \u2018Territory, power and statecraft: understanding English devolution.\u2019 Regional Studies, <\/em>52(6), pp. 853 \u2013 864. [Online]. Available at: https:\/\/www-tandfonline-com.queens.ezp1.qub.ac.uk\/doi\/full\/10.1080\/00343404.2017.1360486<\/a> (Accessed: 9th<\/sup> February 2024).  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Devine, P. (2021) \u2018Changing Identities in Northern Ireland\u2019, ARK Research Update. 138. [Online]. Available at: https:\/\/www.ark.ac.uk\/ARK\/sites\/default\/files\/2021-03\/update138_0.pdf<\/a> (Accessed: 9th<\/sup> February 2024).\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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