Why the ‘Red Wall’ turned blue

The 2019 General Election completely altered the electoral map in the UK. Whilst the Conservatives celebrated their biggest majority since 1987 with 365 seats, Labour faced their biggest defeat since 1935, securing only 203 seats (Mattinson,2020). This historic loss can largely be attributed to the collapse of Labour’s ‘Red Wall’, when a cluster of constituencies throughout the Midlands and the North of England that had not elected a Tory MP in decades, (Wainwright,2019) switched their allegiance.

What is the ‘Red Wall’?

The ‘Red Wall’ consists of 63 post-industrial constituencies regarded as the home of the traditional Labour vote (Mattinson,2020,p.2). Yet, by 2019, the Conservatives had swayed life-long Labour voters and won 33 of the 63 seats in the Red Wall (Kanagasooriam,2019).

Figure 1: General Election Results 2017 vs 2019. Source: MailOnline (2019)

What went wrong?

A prominent factor in the fall of the ‘Red Wall’ is that class, once the most significant electoral cleavage in British politics, no longer dominates voting behaviour (Hooper,2023).

Throughout the ‘era of alignment’ in the 1950s and 1960s, most British voters envisioned themselves as belonging to a particular social class and, consequently, felt a partisan attachment to the party thought to be most representative for people of that class (Denver et al.,2012). Labour appealed to the working-class and the Conservatives represented the middle-class (Mellon,2016). However, from the 1970s a process of ‘dealignment’ began across the country as voters’ identification with both class and parties weakened (Denver,et al.,2012). 

This process of dealignment was accelerated in the 1990’s as Tony Blair’s New Labour sought to gain the support of middle-class voters by moving to the right on economic issues and projecting a more middle-class image (Hooper,2023). This alienated Labour’s working-class base and left them feeling disenfranchised with the party. As a result, many working-class voters abstained from voting or defected to parties such as the Conservatives or UKIP (Evans and Mellon,2020). The Conservatives capitalised on this in subsequent elections and by 2019 they had a 21 percentage point lead over Labour among working class voters (Evans and Mellon,2020).

Figure 2: Conservative-Labour lead by occupational class in 2015, 2017, 2019. Source: (Evans and Mellon,2020).

Moreover, other factors including age and education have come to the fore to supplant the class cleavage (Kanagasoorim and Simon,2021). Despite Labour’s decline amongst working-class voters, they achieved a 43-point lead over the Conservatives with 18-24 year olds, and proved more successful with the most highly qualified voters, winning 43% of graduates compared to the Conservatives’ 29% (Mattinson,2020). However, the Red Wall is ‘increasingly populated by older, less-highly educated and socially conservative voters, and so, the left-leaning influence of younger voters on the Red Wall is declining’ (Hooper,2023,p.28). Therefore, not only is the Red Wall composed of working-class voters who no longer feel represented by Labour, but those who do feel most represented by Labour do not live in Red Wall constituencies (Hooper,2023).

Short term factors

It would be remiss not to acknowledge the impact that short-term voting behaviour played in the fall of the ‘Red Wall’ too.

Firstly, the Conservatives’ stance on Brexit is a key reason why a large number of ‘Red Wall’ seats went blue in 2019 (BSE,2021). All of the fallen ‘Red Wall’ seats voted overwhelmingly in favour of ‘Leave’ in 2016, as these former manufacturing and mining constituencies have suffered particularly harshly as a result of globalisation and deindustrialisation (Hooper,2023). These seats became the main target for the Conservatives during the 2017 General Election, and despite being mostly unsuccessful in 2017, they were able to capture these Labour heartlands in 2019 (Kanagasooriam and Simon,2021).

Moreover, factors such as party leaders can have a significant impact on party success. Boris Johnston, a leader with populist appeal, helped the Conservatives gain support from ‘Red Wall’ constituencies who feel economically deprived due to rising inequality, employment precarity and regional underdevelopment (Hooper,2023), whilst Jeremy Corbyn proved unpopular across the North-East. Former ‘Red Wall’ MP Phil Wilson- who lost his seat in 2019- stated ‘the Corbyn leadership is the issue in this election and to say that it isn’t is delusional… for every one person who raised Brexit on the doorstep with me, five people raised the leadership of the Labour party’ (Halliday,2019).

Conclusion

Ultimately, the fall of the ‘Red Wall’ provides us with a remarkable insight into voting behaviour by demonstrating how short-term factors are increasingly predominant whilst party alignment has waned. The political landscape in the UK has changed drastically since 2019, following Brexit and the COVID-19 Pandemic. After the 2023 local government election, Labour is now the largest party in local government and is predicted to win the upcoming general election (Leach et al.,2024). Therefore, it will be interesting to see if Labour can capitalise on the Conservative’s decreasing popularity  and rebuild their ‘Red Wall’.

Bibliography

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