As Queen’s students are starting to gear up for exams, it can be easy to ignore the ongoing opportunities offered on campus. One such opportunity was extended by the QUB Palestine Solidarity Society in organising a special talk on ‘Israeli Journalism, the Conflict, and Democracy’ by Israeli journalist, Dimi Reider. The Society is no stranger to attracting high-profile speakers to Queen’s, with Professor Norman Finkelstein delivering a captivating talk on the Israel-Palestine Conflict in February.
Dimi has enjoyed international success in journalism, authoring work published in The New York Times, The Guardian and The Jerusalem Post. Expectations were high for an intriguing insight from the perspective of a journalist operating in the midst of one of the world’s most reported and most entrenched conflicts. Nobody was to be disappointed.
Few in the twenty-first century world can deny the significance of the conflict in the Middle East; a region with which the West seems fixated out of strategic interest, yet also one which we seem to know so little about beyond the barest of basics. Perhaps out its complexity. Perhaps out of our intentional ignorance. Perhaps out of our other priorities. This is where Dimi nicely fits in; speaking in such a way as to break down the current political scene in Israel, but without sacrificing a refreshingly nuanced approach. He drew attention to the many paradoxes on display, including the fact that the current administration under Benjamin Netanyahu is firmly right-wing, but yet it has been much less war-prone than previous centrist governments. Similarly, whilst scathing of the Israeli Right for its tendency to favour the status quo rather than actively pushing for a swift and peaceful endgame, he was far from complimentary towards the Left – “weak” and “offering little beyond a general commitment to the Peace Process.” From the perspective of a Northern Ireland student, this should carry all the more significance as it only makes a lasting two-state solution increasingly difficult to realise, and so appears to make an immediate solution to the conflict all the more difficult to realise. For all our own society has been through, it is heartening that Dimi cites as a shining example that inspires him in aspiring towards a settlement in his own deeply divided society.
After outlining this political context, Dimi’s attention then turned to the media itself in Israel, which he described as being in “economic shambles.” Despite our tendency in the West to associate curbs on the types freedom of expression we take for granted only to the most repressive of regimes in the Middle East, he reminded us of some of the less overt restrictions experienced by journalists in Israel. Explaining this, Dimi referred to the degree of control exerted by the state on TV, the financial backing of multi-billionaire tycoons of the press sympathetic to Prime Minister Netanyahu, and the lack of adequate legal protection for journalists. An example of a state-sympathetic news media was given of how Israeli fighter pilots were broadcast on national television – the very week before negotiations were due to begin with Iran. But this points to what Dimi described as not necessarily the Israeli media being wrapped up in some deliberate government conspiracy. Rather he sees it as an “echo chamber” of popular opinion as a whole. Media reporting, such as a militaristic outlook, may suit the Netanyahu government well, but Dimi was firm in his belief that such reporting had much to do with a militarised public. And so he describes a classic case of where news values are not necessarily defined by the public interest, but more what interests the public.
With a room almost exclusively comprised of those sympathetic towards the Palestinian cause, it could be tempting for us to criticise our own media for not being more critical of the Israel. Those who have studied the work of the Glasgow University Media Group[1] will be aware of the alleged bias within Western media outlets. Should we expect our press and broadcasters to provide better balance? This does not seem unreasonable. However, Dimi certainly isn’t optimistic about the potential benefits of more critical international coverage domestically. He argues that it only plays to the hands of ‘everybody hates us’ propaganda – and playing to the hands of the Israeli right-wing. This just goes to show how advocating a seemingly simple solution can lead to complex and unintended consequences.
This all seems to paint a rather grim picture: Israel looks set to continue as the centre of prolonged and asymmetrical conflict, and Israeli journalists seem constrained by a restrictive media setting. Yet through both of these negative realities, Dimi Reider points to two glimmers of hope. First, if we move away from a ‘two-state’ solution discourse then the asymmetrical nature of this conflict can also “dissolve,” putting the region in a better position to reach a fair settlement. Second, Dimi may be frustrated as a journalist by being restricted on reporting on military matters, for example, but this is precisely how journalism in Israel can shine: “I can’t write about the military, but I can write about how journalists can’t write about the military.”
A refreshing account from a fascinating journalist.
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[1]Greg Philo and Mike Berry, More Bad News From Israel (London: Pluto Press, 2011)
It was recently brought to the attention of our executive committee that you made comment on the release of an Israeli Defence Forces Solder, Sgt Gilad Shalit, whom was held captive by Hamas for 1941 days until his release on Tuesday, Oct. 18, 2011 in a prisoner exchange deal brokered through Egyptian negotiators between Israel and Hamas.
We would like to affirm the fact that we whole heartedly agree with you in the sentiments you have made which are quoted within the first half of the article previously mentioned and that all of our executive were ecstatic when Sgt. Shalit was released from the grips of Hamas captivity.
Those whom are held captive regardless of the presence or absence of legal justification should not be made into political tools or used as symbols for political gain. It is actually rather degrading and dehumanizing to our fellow human beings when prisoners are treated as bargaining chips which is exactly how the state of Israel and the terrorist organisation Hamas behaved towards those who were exchanged in this prisoner swap deal.
Rather than agree to release prisoners on the basis of their most basic human rights both parties involved decided to further abuse their victims.
As a society we are unfortunately left with a number of issues rising from the statements you gave in the Belfast Newsletter article that we feel obligated to request clarification upon, specifically the nature of the comments made where you suggested that Israel is better than the Palestinians in terms of prisoners despite evidence to the contrary.
You stated that “When you consider the rights afforded to the Palestinian prisoners being released today from Israeli prisons, the humanitarian differences between the Israeli and Palestinian governments are clear to see,”
This creates a false dichotomy in the minds of those you addressed with this statement as if to suggest that the Palestinians have anything remotely resembling a fully functional and representative democratic government. It also puts across a major fallacy by implying that the Israeli state is on par with a Palesitnian state (both of which according to your statement have fully functioning governments that act as counterparts to one another).
Putting aside the fact you deliberately failed to mention key pieces of information such as the Occupation of the Palestinian territories by the state of Israel, a key problem which has again and again been declared one of the major obstacles to peace, we feel that attention should be drawn to the most recent facts and figures given by Addameer – The Prisoner support and human rights association along with a fact sheet released on Palestinian Prisoners day 2012 by Adalah – The legal centre for Arab and minority rights in Israel.
We have to also emphasise that a large percentage of the Palestinian Prisoners held by the Israeli Prison Service (IPS) are political prisoners which is something you also forgot to mention in the comments you provided. According to Adalah a great deal of these prisoners are subject to inhumane and degrading treatment that is nothing to do with any form of security.
If we look at the report given just last month we can take key quotes from it such as the fact that according to prisoners in section 4 of Nafha Prison: “The cells are dirty, dark, and unventilated, with insects and cockroaches crawling from the mattresses.”
Another quote from the report states that “The IPS’s overarching policy of harassment and restrictions unrelated to security infringes on prisoners’ human dignity and constitutes cruel and inhuman punishment.”
Given that you were so vocal regarding Gilad Shalit and what you rightly “criticised the Palestinians for their “illegal” and “inhumane” treatment of Shalit” we hoped to ask whether you plan on continuing your duplicitous portrayal of the state of Israel or whether you shall stand up for the rights of Palestinian prisoners in a similar way to that of Sgt. Shalit. We are not asking you to support Palestinian prisoner rights instead of but rather in accompaniment with your support of the rights of Israelis so as to show a true commitment to equal human rights and an equal condemnation of what are in essence similar crimes perpetrated by similarly minded regimes.
We are not attempting to use the tragedy of Sgt. Shalit in a reprehensible way, it is merely our goal to request clarification from yourself and if necessary display the double standards you possess.
Lastly in your statement regarding the time you met Sgt. Shalit’s family in Jerusalem we would ask if you are capable of saying that “This family were clearly heartbroken as at that time they did not know if their son was dead or alive.” then why are you seemingly incapable of showing similar empathy towards the parents and family of Palestinian children who are kidnapped in the middle of the night and taken to Israeli prisons? Perhaps you are unaware but there are currently 211 child prisoners in Israeli jail 39 of which are under the age of 16.
When you consider all of the facts presented we believe that your support for the Israeli state is not only based on false information and a biased opinion but also that it just simply does not add up!
It is also in our interests to request that you deal with the substance of our points made in this letter to you so we can deal with the substance of the focus of our letter which is Palestinian Prisoners.
Our Executive Committee shall look forward to a productive correspondence with you and hope for a prompt response.
Below is the response from David McIlveen to our society secretary Timothy Houston.
We are currently forming a reply to this letter however would like to ask readers to look carefully at his reply and then reference our original letter to him to see whether he actually dealt with any of the points we made towards him or not.
Let us also state clearly that we welcome any commentary you feel is needed and if you wish to contribute your ideas to our response you can send in an email to Palestine.Solidarity@qub.ac.uk
Over the course of the last two days the Student Movement in Northern Ireland held it’s 2012 annual conference celebrating the fortieth anniversay of NUS-USI, a kind of collaborative effort between the Nation Union of Students and the Union of Students Ireland through the 1972 bi-lateral agreement.
This year at conference has made history for many reasons, putting aside the massive bench mark we have passed for a moment, those who attended this year in Enniskillen witnessed speeches from all three National Presidents from NUS, USI and NUS-USI respectively. Coupled with the signing of a new Tri-Lateral agreement recognising the Northern Irish student movement as being one amongst the Nations we have now taken our place fully amongst all other student movements accross these Islands which now includes NUS Scotland, NUS Wales, NUS UK, NUS-USI and USI.
As a society we would like to further pay tribute to the fact that this year we witnessed in the sentiments of all delegates attending conference a spirit that fully enshrined a progression towards a more inclusive movement that upholds the values of human rights regardless of whether the issues being challenged are five miles or five thousand miles away this conference made the various motions and issues discussed relevant to us all.
Women’s rights and LGBT rights were at the forefront this year with motions condemning the ban on men who have sex with men donating blood as well as for the first time in history conference unanimously adopting a pro-choice stance within a region that is historically known for enforcing through Legislative assembly a detrimental anti-choice stance which has never really been addressed in any serious manner despite campaigns to make change happen.
Now with the student movement backing these campaigns and holding positions on so many more issues ranging from community and welfare issues such as student housing all the way to campaigning directives to rebrand NUS-USI there is a reality coming around the corner that adds the voices of over 200,000 students behind them giving strong weight to everything we hope to achieve.
For our society the overall work done this year is of course fantastic however two specific motions that we ourselves put forward thanks to the whole sabbatical team at Queen’s University Students’ Union were taken before congress this year. After a long and hard campaign these motions have truly left a memorable touch that is leading the way towards formal policies and real solidarity from the NI student movement towards the Palestinian and Israeli people who day in day out struggle against human rights abuses and an oppressive government that practices a regime that destroys lives.
International issues are always something of a contentious issue for student movements as it could be argued that they aren’t always relevant to students. Inspiringly the students from the different colleges and Universities attending conference decided to use their voices and votes to stand up and speak out against the ongoing occupation of Palestinian territories and to condemn the abuses of the state of Israel in all their varying forms. After all various student movements are rightly commended for taking decisive positions on various international issues and it is noted that Nelson Mandela himself thanked the Student movement in Ireland for it’s key role in dismantling the regime of Apartheid South Africa.
In this we believe that NUS-USI now rightly deserves to be commended for its attitude towards all human rights.
Human rights abuses anywhere regardless of how severe or unsevere they seem to be from our perspective are still abuses of other human beings and we are thrilled that conference recognized this fundamental fact. Education has always been a way forward in strengthening the respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms whilst also promoting understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups.
The two motions we are discussing dealt with two specific issues whilst also still remaining open enough to cover a wider spectrum of topics and issues.
The first motion was targetting Israel for it’s human rights abuses and breach of international law by calling for a progressive, educational adoption & approach to the Boycott Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign. As a motion there was a great deal held within it which did result in being a little messy perhaps lacking clarity on certain points however over all the general idea for solidarity and respect of both Israeli and Palestinian human rights was viewed by conference as the right step forward when it voted 28 in favour of the motion with zero against and some abstentions.
With this motion we hope this student movement can go on to helping dismantle the framework of the Israeli occupation whilst raising awareness around the various topics that simply must be discussed in any serious movement that seeks to effect justice for Israeli’s and Palestinians.
The second monumental motion passed specifically discussed the idea that Israel should rightly be celebrated for its progressive stance towards the LGBT community and LGBT rights, indeed something relevant to us here in Northern Ireland is that Israel is looking to pass policy that legalizes MSM blood donation completely. However we must recognise that the state of Israel and its foreign affairs ministry uses the LGBT community and the states track record of good LGBT rights to maliciously demonise the Palestinian people whilst also utilising a tactic known as PinkWashing – this is what the bulk of the motion dealt with specifically referencing the fact LGBT rights are intrinsically linked to all other fundamental human rights which is why the two should never be separated nor should some human rights be given more importance than others. Thus NUS-USI adopted policy to condemn pinkwashing whilst working directly with Al-Qaws and also actively campaigning to ensure people see through this Public relations tactic which is just another addition to the long list of methods used by Israel to hide its oppression of the Palestinian people.
NUS-USI President Adrianne Peltz speaking at conference. Credits: Tyler McNally
At the close of conference the incoming President Adrianne Peltz who was re-elected made a general statement about the over all conference saying that she “took inspiration” from Ciarnan Helferty when he spoke as president of NUS-USI two years ago where he said “Together we can change the world through what we do and can do”.
Society President - Gary Spedding at the NUS-USI conference. Credits: Tyler McNally
Gary Spedding – President of our Society and who was instrumental in getting the motions past stated “I am overwhelmed that the Student movement in Northern Ireland voted to adopt the motion condemning Israel’s human rights abuses and to join the Palestinian call to BDS. This is the first time in History that the NI Student movement has held a policy on the conflict and it must be said that it is appropriate this year is it’s 40th anniversary which we can now celebrate with the added victory for collective human rights for all.”
As a society we are proud to say that NUS-USI this year has made historical changes that will continue improving over time. The excellent leadership and a continually inspiring officer board that builds year after year upon the work of previously elected officers must be commended.
We are also proud that this Student movement represents all students, especially now that it fully represents Palestinian students studying in our institutions. The student movement backing for Palestinian human rights adds a potential 200,000 voices to those of our own here at Queen’s University Belfast.
Congratulations to the newly elected officer team we are looking forward to engaging with you!
Remember we have made and continue to make history!
Having recently read your statement regarding the release of an Israeli soldier, Sgt Gilad Shalit, from his imprisonment by Hamas, I feel compelled to seek clarification on several issues which have caused me much angst.
As a Politics student in Queen’s University Belfast, I have been educated in the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict for three years, and have personally become engaged in the struggle for adequate human rights which both communities are facing.
In relation to the comments that have been made regarding Sgt Shalit, it would seem you are portraying a prejudiced attitude to the Northern Irish public by placing emphasis and value towards human rights of Israeli citizens only and no mention of Palestinians. It would seem fair that if one is to argue for better human rights, then it should be approached from the point of view that better human rights are deserved for all – not just one fraction of the community.
I am privileged to have the opportunity to explain to you why I believe your statements reveal that you hold a biased viewpoint and I would appreciate you taking the time to consider my points.
Firstly, regarding paragraph 2 of your statement, you mention that the treatment of Sgt. Shalit by his captors was, “not only inhumane, but…illegal under international law.” While I completely agree with what you say here, I find it disappointing that you don’t and indeed are yet to mention the conditions in which Palestinian prisoners are held in, which are often either equally or a great deal worse than that of any Israeli held to date by the Hamas. The Palestinian prisoners detained in Israeli prisons prior to the prisoner swap for Sgt. Shalit were kept in conditions that were deemed unsatisfactory by Palestinian and Israeli human rights organizations, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), and the UN Fact-Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict in its report on the 2008–2009 Israeli offensive.
In the same paragraph, you state, “the Red Cross were not even permitted access to Gilad during his incarceration”, yet fail to mention that the Palestinian prisoners, some who were released as part of the swap, were denied visits from Human Rights NGO’s and even family members for the vast majority of their imprisonment, while also subject to actions such as sleep deprivation, being held in stress positions and were largely kept in isolation, which is also inhumane and illegal-similarly to the treatment Sgt. Shalit constituting the crime of torture.
One question which I would propose you answer addresses why you have never publicly condemned the similar types of illegal and inhumane treatment that so often degrades Palestinians prisoners as equally to that of Israelis.
A further issue which raises much concern regards the first paragraph of your statement, where it is noted that, “Sgt Shalit was only 19 years old when he was abducted and at the time was not even a full time soldier”. Abduction is a traumatic experience, especially at 19 years old, which is why I would like to share information about other instances of abduction which have occurred towards youths and children from the Palestinian community by Israel. Approximately 700 Palestinian children under the age of 18 from the occupied West Bank are prosecuted every year through Israeli military courts after being arrested, interrogated and detained by the Israeli army. The most common charge levied against children is throwing stones, a crime that is punishable under military law by up to 20 years in prison. Since 2000, more than 8,000 Palestinian children have been detained. The information I have obtained is from addemeer.org and is a reliable source. As of 1 February 2012, there were approximately 166 Palestinian children detained in two Israeli prisons and detention centres, including: Ofer and Megiddo. Out of these, at least 26 were under the age of 16.
The purpose of this letter to you is not to undermine the suffering which Israelis have endured at the hands of the Palestinians, but to ask whether you believe the treatment of Palestinians by Israeli forces warrants a similar condemnation to that which you levied at the Palestinians. Given the position of power and influence which you currently exert on the Northern Irish public, I strongly believe you are in an excellent position to help people form a more accurate opinion of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, through stating the importance of human rights for both sides of the committee.
I would like to formally request a response to address my concerns on these issues.
Thank you for your time and attention,
Tim Houston
Secretary of QUB Palestine Solidarity Society
Queen’s University Belfast Students’ Union
University Road
Belfast
BT7 1NF
Northern Ireland.
This week academic institutions, student societies and human rights focused groups have been taking part in the 8th Annual Israeli Apartheid Week – an event which has now gone global having hit over 100 cities in Europe alone.
We here at Queen’s focused on holding a stall in our Students’ Union which was rather successful at raising awareness of specific topics that are rarely addressed by those in the international community. We provided articles and information for the general public as well as materials which we were given by the Belfast branch of the IPSC (Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign).
Over 400 individuals mostly students stopped by our stall to pick up materials and have a chat with us about what we were doing and whether we have any upcoming events which gave us the opportunity to engage in positive dialogue with those interested in the ongoing conflict within Apartheid Israel.
More importantly was the fact that last years motion which our society put through the Students’ Union council was upheld by the Union President Jason O’Neill who popped past our stall on a number of occasions to wish us luck and support.
The motion in question remains live policy and reads as follows:
“This Council recognises the primary importance of International Law, with specific regard to the United Nations International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid (ICSPCA) and the 2002 Rome Statutes of the International Criminal Court.
This Council remembers the horrors of Apartheid in South Africa and notes with concern that there is currently no official Students’ Union policy regarding the crime of Apartheid.
With regard to the promotion and protection of the rights and fundamental freedoms of all peoples, and the global, regional and national instruments created on the basis of basic human rights, this Council further recognises that, under the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights (1948), all people should live free and be legally protected against human rights abuses.
This Council asserts that not only is it a basic human right for each human being as an individual to live free and be deserving of respect for his / her fundamental human rights, as espoused within the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, it is also a basic fundamental right for human beings to be free of controlling regimes such as that of Apartheid.
This Council condemns the crime of Apartheid in all of its forms, as defined by the ICSPCA and the International Criminal Court (ICC), including:
- examples of Apartheid long since passed
- those instances of Apartheid that are currently ongoing, and
- any future acts that are, by definition, crimes of Apartheid.
This Council instructs the Executive Management Committee to publicly condemn the crime of Apartheid and, furthermore, to support those who are actively seeking to end Apartheid regimes around the world.”
The motion is exceptionally broad for specific reason in that not only does this mandate our Students’ Union to act accordingly when discussing Apartheid Israel but it also targets all other regimes which are committing the crime of Apartheid today.
We find this fundamentally important because the arguments surrounding the Apartheid analogy as it is called regarding Israel can become increasingly confusing and complex for most of us whom are less aware of the realities on the ground & how Israeli policies are implemented.
A criticism of the current activism surrounding Israeli Apartheid Week stems from the unhelpful comparisons made by protagonists between the state of Israel and Apartheid South Africa. There are many exceptionally valid similarities between the Apartheid regime in South Africa and that of Apartheid Israel for instance the segregated roads that have sprung up all over the West Bank which are systematically kept under Military jurisdiction so that the closure of roads to Palestinians is not made out to be an obvious separation between Palestinian Arabs and Israeli Jews.
Another similarity is the one in which we can compare the Bantustans of South Africa to that of the now closed off and segregated Palestinian villages surrounded by Israel’s so called “Security Fence” designed to separate Palestinians from their lands, restrict and control their movement within the occupied territories as well as make living a normal free life with fully respected human rights virtually impossible.
A crude map showing the comparison described
Palestinians living in the occupied territories regularly suffer dehumanization, degrading treatment and the complete removal of human dignity by Israeli soldiers or Settlers whom are protected by the IDF. The Israeli Military is also suspect to a double standard in the territories due to the fact that not only is it entirely possible for a soldier who is from an illegal settlement to be stationed in the occupied territories thus they have automatic bias and agreement with the settlement movements positions but also the soldiers are NOT mandated to keep the peace nor are they assigned to protect Palestinian rights, property or livelihoods only Israeli citizen’s and their interests within the occupied territories.
To take a quote made in 2002 by the Israeli Human Rights organization B’tselem: “Israel has created in the Occupied Territories a regime of separation based on discrimination, applying two separate systems of law in the same are and basing the rights of individuals on their nationality. This regime is the only one of its kind in the world, as is reminiscent of distasteful regimes from the past, such as the apartheid regime in South Africa.”
There are countless other quotes, captions, images and articles that can be found online which make direct comparisons or draw these parallels when discussing Israel’s military control over the occupied Palestinian territories which enforces a brutal, oppressive and systematic regime that makes life for the Palestinians unbearable.
It must however be noted that we as a student society still find the direct comparisons between Israel and Apartheid South Africa very dangerous in the realm of good propagandists. Pointing out the similarities while exceptional at motivating some activists, only serves to allow Israel’s supporters an opportunity to display the massive differences which they can utilize in attempts to confuse those who have not studied in depth International Law and specifically the laws pertaining to Apartheid.
For this reason numerous articles and even videos come to light which simply must be addressed if we are to move forward in any productive discussion on Israeli Apartheid. It is also our duty as solidarity activists to remain calm and principled while we debate these issues otherwise we ourselves become cult like and marginalized as we begin to embody the very fascism and hatred we aim to oppose.
First we would address this video released by Dennis Prager:
We immediately notice that Prager references the fact that while people focused on Apartheid South Africa nobody ever brought the charge of Apartheid against Israel which is true – however just because nobody drew any attention to it does not mean that Israel’s policies have not been representative of the crime of Apartheid.
Moving swiftly on there is reference to those who have been to Israel knowing that the charge of Apartheid is simply untrue, this is a clever play on the thoughts of the public in the international community the vast majority of which have indeed never been to the State of Israel or the occupied territories. The point raised also acts as a way of encouraging those interested enough to take part in Israeli Ministry of Tourism approved trips to Israel where visitors are kept strictly on the tourist trail rather than being exposed to the cold realities of the occupation with many Palestinians in towns such as Bethlehem complaining not just about the economic damage Israeli organized tours of Bethlehem do to the local population but also the fact bus loads of people get rushed through the checkpoint with the curtains of the bus closed subsequently dropped off at the Nativity church for a quick visit then bustled on out of there without as much as a few brief encounters with the local Palestinian population.
As the main author of this article I would state now that I have spent collectively over a year and a half on the ground in both Israel and Palestine, having witnessed the realities rather than just the tourist destinations I can say that there is definitely a huge discrimination that fits directly with the legal definition of Apartheid.
Speaking of legal definitions the video provided moves on to use a definition of Apartheid that is NOT a legal one merely a dictionary description of the meaning of the Term Apartheid the language used instantly directs us to South Africa which is why we state the comparisons are unhelpful in this instance.
The definition provided by Prager which can be found here does not at all correspond with the legally agreed definition of Apartheid found here.
Interestingly Israel has refused to sign both the ICSPCA and ICC’s 2002 Rome statutes specifically regarding the crime of Apartheid. In fact both the USA & Israel Unsigned from the ICC just prior to 2002 citing issues Israel had with the court. Throughout the video Prager makes no reference to factual record merely espouses his own opinions whilst using still images to back up his statements. One such claim which sticks out straight away regarding the photograph of Palestinian Member of Knesset Haneen Zoabi who was stripped of all democratic and parliamentary privileges simply for standing up for Palestinian rights both inside Israel and the Occupied Palestinian territories displays pragers deliberate attempt to mislead the audience.
His entire video misses out the Apartheid that exists in the occupied territories where one rule of law applies to Israeli civilians living in illegal settlements whilst another set of laws dictates the Palestinian civilians way of life. The same propaganda appears to repeat itself in almost exact quotation in every single piece of Pro-Israeli propaganda out there to date with Prager making comparisons to South Africa as if those exact instances of Blacks not being allowed to use the same bathrooms has to be exactly the same for Apartheid to exist in Israel with regards to Jews and Arabs.
It can in fact be noted that the only way those who try to hide the fact Apartheid is alive in Israel today is by making the suffering of people into scales of comparison thus making it possible to bamboozle the average person that because Israeli apartheid doesn’t perhaps have separate restaurants for Arabs and Jews that it isn’t Apartheid. A massive flaw in Israel today however is that many restaurants in fact do screen customers who enter which is sometimes exceptionally justified due to the number of genuine suicide bombings which must rightly be condemned however the fact is that Arabs are usually the only ones who get stopped or searched when entering these places as opposed to Jewish Israeli’s.
Israel’s regime is a fair deal more complicated as well as being infinitely more subtle and well devised – you will not find separate entrances for Arabs and Jews in Israel for example however you will find institutionalised racism where the Arab minority is under constant discrimination within the society at almost every level.
Take as an example Israel’s annexation of East Jerusalem which has remained unrecognized by every single country in the international community save a small minority. Here we have 350,000 or perhaps more Palestinian Arabs who are not given citizenship or the right to vote in the Israeli National elections the excuse used is that they aren’t Israeli citizens only residents however what kind of democracy is this if those who have been without their consultation annexed into the Israeli state?.
All across Israel proper there is a cast system in place for almost all basic things including democracy, with voting stations rarely being placed in large numbers within Arab neighborhoods, municipal funding being used specifically for Jewish projects and areas rather than Palestinian Arab neighborhoods.
Further on it discusses what we would call token Arabs that Israel has used deliberately to hide its Apartheid regime, if South African Apartheid had been so clever as to use Blacks as token tools by putting one or two of them on the high court or something with little real power the regime may still be going today whilst we become mired in the debate of whether it is or is not Apartheid.
Israel uses divisions amongst Palestinians and other Arabs to its advantage for example the use of the term Israeli Arab while entirely legitimate for those who wish to define themselves as such is a very misleading designation as the majority of Israel’s Arab population are actually Palestinians lucky enough to have remained after the many wars which resulted in refugees and internally displaced persons. There is also the division made when convenient between the Druzim, Arabim and Armenians but when it is not convenient they are all lumped together as “Arab”. This allows Israel to claim that those who are Druze who are part of the police force & Military are “Israeli Arabs” despite the fact there is an entire people group with a different culture entirely that can be researched regarding druze in Israel specifically the difference between the Druze of Mt Carmel and those of the occupied Golan Heights who share very different views let us assure you.
The final claim from the video we will deal with is the claim that because Palestinians in the occupied territories are governed by either the Palestinian Authority or Hamas it exempts Israel from the Apartheid accusation because Israel doesn’t govern them and they are not Israeli citizens. It would be great for Israel if this were true however the Palestinian Authority only has control over approximately 12.7% of the West Bank as it is divided into three key areas, (A – B – C) which this map attempts to describe in detail. If we were to look at the Oslo accords Israel was supposed to have fully withdrawn from the occupied territories by 1999 this is yet to be the case and we are in 2012.
Israel’s Military has full control over the occupied territories (Both the West Bank and Gaza strip) despite Israel’s unilateral disengagement of Gaza it still holds all of the power. Prager claims the only control Israel has is at the “border” between Israel and the territories is ridiculous as we can see quite clearly from any human rights reports or even maps displaying the numerous checkpoints designed to hassle Palestinians and hinder their free movement within the territories themselves which also restrict their access to hospitals and urgent medical care on a regular basis despite IDF rhetoric to the contrary.
There are so many other complicated points to raise and not enough space to write them all down in one article for instance the fact Israel has no constitution and other than the “basic laws” which seem at best open to interpretation by judges there is very little protecting minorities from cases such as this which occurred recently in Tel aviv.
Finally we draw your attention to this image taken from the Old City of Hebron on Al-Shuhada street displaying how in an area ruled by military law Arabs are forced to walk on a tiny segmented side of the once bustling street.
Segrageted Shuhada street in Hebron, February 2012 (photo: Hithabrut-Tarabut)
As this one is too lengthy as it is for a single read. We will provide footnotes with links to news articles and other information in the hope of covering a broader range of topics and of course accept any emails or comments on this blog post.
We will conclude here that it is a firm stance of ours that you do not need to necessarily make crude comparisons to Apartheid South Africa when the legal definition really does suffice in displaying Israel’s actions and Policies as pertaining to Apartheid.
A key resource for putting this article together was the Russel Tribunals full findings which can be found here.
As I write this there is a grave situation that has unfolded during the last 65 days pertaining specifically to one individual who is being held without charge or trial in what is known within the State of Israel as Administrative Detention.
Khader Adnan is a controversial character when we look at his curriculum vitae as a one time spokes person for the known terrorist organization Islamic Jihad which espouses radical and extreme viewpoints on almost every political aspect of Israel – Palestine.
However what we are saying as a society is that despite the contentious issues surrounding this individual in terms of his background, he is still a Human Being like every single one of us and as such entitled to the same basic human rights and treatment as any of us fundamentally demand and recieve if we ever suffer a similar situation of administrative detention.
This is a fundamental value to display as it shifts the focus away from the propaganda which at present sets out in a format that provides excuses for the disgraceful abuses on his human rights by the state of Israel.
In an attempt at keeping us debating and deliberating as to whether a member of Islamic Jihad deserves humane treatment, a fair trial or even our attention to begin with the State of Israel and its supporters try to shut us up on this issue by continuously mentioning the known and condemned terrorism of Islamic Jihad. A tactic which if we are honest is a disgraceful ruse to further dehumanize this one person in the eyes of the international community.
I firmly believe that focus on this individual and his case should not be ignored or squandered. Not only because he is denied his human rights and right to a fair trial in a judicial system that is respecting of his rights rights but also because there are countless others who have never been members of groups like Islamic Jihad who are treated in similar or even worse ways to Khader Adnan by the Israeli Military “justice” system.
The Israeli Human rights NGO B’tselem reports that at the end of December 2011 there were just under 4300 Palestinians in the custody of the Israeli Prison Service (IPS) 307 of these are held without trial or charge under Administrative Detention.
To go back to Khader Adnan I would like to state that yes it is a very touchy subject to mention the words Hunger Strike in Northern Ireland, in fact already some groups have began trying to draw parallels between local figures who were on hunger strike here to that of Khader Adnan – we feel as a society this is not helpful as it does not focus on the Key points of the matter at hand and it also detracts from Khader’s case because it draws up emotive local issues which then removes focus. It also must be said that everyone from all communities should feel capable of condemning the state of Israel for its actions regarding Mr. Adnan!
At present the facts are these:
Khader Adnan is on his 64th day of Hunger Strike demanding to either be released or put on trial thus being formally charged with a crime – He has been held against his will in administrative detention for over two months which is only 1/3rd of the time Israel can hold him under such detention laws without having to renew the order.
He is chained physically to a bed and has been mistreated, interrogated and tortured mercilessly to a great extent by those who guard him while only being given access to the most persistent NGO’s and medical personnel that come forward to help him.
Countless human rights NGO’s including several Israeli groups have condemned the State of Israel for its treatment of not only Khader Adnan but also for its continued use of Administrative detention.
The request to have a court date brought forward has been rejected, then reconsidered and it is unclear what is going on with this process at all.
As a society we are asking everyone who reads this publication to look at the sources that we are attaching so that you can speak up about Khader Adnan and the bigger picture he now represents.
We ask you to send letters and emails to your local representatives here in Northern Ireland who despite thoughts to the contrary still have a voice which does matter in the international sphere.
Emphasise the fact that his Human Rights are being violated and that it doesn’t matter who he is or what he has done he still deserves humane treatment and a fair trial. His associations to certain abhorrent groups are immaterial to his Human Rights and if Israel have a case against him they should charge him and take him to court or else release him.
Every one of us have a voice that we can use to help Khader Adnan by writing to the local press or even writing to the State of Israel itself.
Our MLA’s sometimes think that it is not worth getting involved in these discussions however we would say that MLA’s and our MP’s to Westminister have the ability to, and should indeed speak out as they do and can sway public opinion.
Addameer and Physicians for Human Rights (Both Israeli NGO’s) have set out a list of requests:
Apply pressure on the Military Commander, Yair Koles, to immediately cancel Khader Adnan’s administrative detention order;
Apply pressure on Israel’s High Court of Justice to reschedule the date of the petition to a closer date;
Apply pressure on the government of Israel to immediately release Khader Adnan;
Send representatives to attend the Israeli High Court of Justice’s open petition hearing regarding Khader Adnan;
Apply pressure on the government of Israel to conform to international law and end its unlawful practices of arbitrary imprisonment, and release all Palestinians held in administrative detention.
Some information and sources on Khader Adnan and the current situation include:
The Queens’ University Belfast Politics Society in conjunction with the Queens’ University Palestine Solidarity Society is proud to announce the upcoming United Kingdom Tour for Professor Norman G. Finkelstein.
Professor Finkelstein is a controversial yet prolific academic in the field of international law focussing on the area of Israel – Palestine. He is one of todays most noted academics, having written several books on the matter which have won him a great deal of support and criticism resulting in Finkelstein being coined an American radical.
Finkelstein will be touring the UK and Northern Ireland between the 6th and 11th of February 2012 delivering lectures on Solving the Israel Palestine conflict looking specifically at international law and Human rights. He will be calling at universities at Edinburgh, Glasgow, London and Exeter.
In his event to be held at Queens’ Belfast the organiser is hoping to reach out to a wider range of students and lecturers from varying communities and political backgrounds to encourage vigorous and stimulating interactive debate amongst those who have an interest in the topic.
During his last United Kingdom tour in November Finkelstein spoke on similar topics where he drew in large crowds both agreeing and disagreeing with his positions.
Controversial is a word that must be used to describe him as a character that has focussed a great deal of his research on topics that are highly contentious perhaps much more so than the Israel-Palestine conflict.
Today we are protesting the attack on the freedom waves flotilla while it sailed in international waters 41 nautical miles from the Gaza strip. It was attacked by the Israeli military and Navy forces in full contravention of Maritime law. Under such law it is stated that any actions of a sovereign military force or otherwise attacking a vessel of another sovereign nation is illegal and amounts to an act of piracy on the high seas.
The attack – an illegal action sanctioned and in fact ordered by the Israeli government must be condemned to its fullest extent.
We gathered today to protest and demand that the Israeli government do no harm to the human beings captured illegally from the two ships MV Tahrir and MV Saoirse. The IDF illegally boarded the ships that were on their way to break the immoral blockade of the Gaza strip currently under a siege that is crushing the life out of the Palestinians living there quite literally bleeding them dry.
We understand that Israel has concerns regarding the Palestinian militant groups in Gaza including that of Hamas. However it is unacceptable to misuse this concern to drive forward policies that collectively punish the Palestinian people.
We stand in Solidarity with the people of Palestine and all those being oppressed by the policies of the Israeli government that are currently representative of a discriminatory and racist Apartheid regime. We stand up for those who put their own safety at risk to help the Palestinians in achieving justice, liberty, dignity and freedom.
We call for all human beings suffering in the on-going occupation of Palestine to be free from the racist and immoral unjust practices and policies of the state of Israel.
We demand that Stormont and our representatives here in Northern Ireland release a statement rightly condemning the Israeli actions against innocent peace activists on-board these captured vessels. Further to this we wish you to condemn the military actions against sovereign vessels, activists and the people of Gaza due to the punitive, inhumane collective punishment it entails.
We the QUB Palestine Solidarity Society thank everyone who attended our protest and we urge us all to move onwards to stand up and speak up for those who don’t have a voice because it has been taken away from them.
Our protest was supported by the ICTU friends of Palestine, The British Palestine Solidarity Campaign and the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign.
